ÐÏࡱá>þÿ þÿÿÿ  ÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿì¥Áq` ðR¿ÜñbjbjqPqP2,:: Ûy ÿÿÿÿÿÿ¤®®®4â(ò ò ò îtÊyÊyÊy8zœž{´b/yÒf^|^|^|^|^|9}Æÿ~„ƒD°Î²Î²Î²Î²Î²Î²Î$ßÓhGÖ¾ÖÎ]ò —¨9}9}—¨—¨ÖÎò ò ^|^|Û3Ò¿¿¿—¨Vò ^|ò ^|°Î¿—¨°Î¿¿ŽpËhò ò ˆÌ^|R| P¾ç/ö÷ÆÊyí¶ŠØËdÎLIÒ0yÒèË ×w¸‚Õg ˆÌ׬�±g$ò ˆÌÜDz y�È ¿A—ÔŸ‚ ÇÇÇÖÎÖÎù¾ÇÇÇyÒ—¨—¨—¨—¨b/b/b/D>¦m$ b/b/b/¦m dj€ê dn €î ò ò ò ÿÿÿÿ  DÅÜÂDÅXÇ ä²8»TÖüÈXÇ Transfiguration: The Shape-shifting Power and Terror of the Sublime Machine À¼Ö: ÈÉÁ|¹ À¼TÖÜ¤Д² Œ­%¸ü¬ ¹ÂTÖÂè²XÇ õ¬ìÓ Hui Peng Constance Goh / The University of Notingham à¬l×­Ó XϤÂÄФ (ui Peng Constance Goh) /x±Ó„Õ ³YÕ Abstract Í]¸ This paper examines the idea of translation and the infidelities within “oriental” inscriptions. I shall argue that Asian culture is a hybrid culture simply because what the west arrogates from eastern philosophy or contrariwise is an interrogative advancement that is also a detour to the selfsame. Jacques Derrida’s deconstructive absence in eastern writings may be surprising to those who are acquainted with his eloquence when it comes to phonetic writing and the Egyptian hieroglyphs. By (dis)locating the commentaries revolving around Derrida’s reticence with regard to the writings of the east in his interrogations into metaphysics and writing, I shall launch my argument from what most have put down merely as his “lack” of knowledge, which will be inverted to expose the always already missing link between the articulator and reality. tÇ |±8»@Ç  Ù³‘Å XÇ 0®]¸ ´° ˆ¼íÅü¬ ˆ½àÂÐÅ ³tÕ à¬0Ì\Õä². DÅÜÂDÅ 8»TÖ”² 䲑Å\Õ 8»TÖ¬ È©º´ÈÅä²à¬ ÝÀ¬\Õä². Á‘ÅtÇ Ù³‘Å  ÌYÕDÇ hÎtÕXÕp¬˜° Ù³‘ÅtÇ Á‘Å ÌYÕDÇ hÎtÕXÕ”² ƒ¬@Ç ¬@Ç ¥ÇŒÁ|¹ °ÆŒÖXÕ”² ƒ¬ü¬ ¬@Ç ø»ìÂMÊ@Ç ü¬ÈtÇ0® Lµ8»tÇä². �ÇlÐ p³¬¹ä²XÇ ¥²À¼DÇ DÅ”² ¬ÀŒ·ä´@Ç LÇ1Á 0®]¸ü¬ tÇÑÉ¸Ò ÁÀÖ8»�Ç@Æ ­(¸tÕÁ Ù³‘Å8»ÌÕÐÅ ˜°(Æ �ÇlÐ p³¬¹ä²XÇ tÕ´ÌÈ €½¬Ç|¹ ô¼à¬ €±„· Âij ˆÇä². p³¬¹ä²XÇ ÖtÇÁÀYÕü¬ ®ðÄ0®ÐÅ ³\Õ ðÅl­ É, ø­¬ Ù³‘Åü¬ ­(¸tÕÁ hÎ5»\Õ ƒ¬DÇ ³€½„½@Ç è²Âˆ× ø­XÇ ÀÉÝÂtÇ €½qÈ\Õ ƒ¬tÇ|·à¬ ÀÉÈ\Õ ÈDÇ ´° |±È<Ç\¸ `Õ ƒ¬tÇä². ÀÉÝ €½qÈtÇ|·”² ÀÉÈ@Ç ðÅl­�Ç@Æ Öä¬XÇ ðŰ¬à¬¬¹¬ tÇø» ÁÀä´ÈÅä²”² ÈDÇ Ü´ì·¼° ƒ¬tÇä². The address based on his silence is no easy way out; instead, I shall elaborate the difficulties encountered on the way in to the idea of oriental writing to which his deconstructive silence attests - the thick void at the heart of logocentrism. Derrida’s cryptic remark about ideographic writing as “the testimony of a powerful movement of civilization developing outside of all logocentrism” will be read as a suggestion of a certain parallelism between Derridean deconstruction and Lacanian psychoanalytic theory on writing, and eastern philosophy, accidentally encountering in this paper. The signifying dissemination within ideographic or phonetic writing is most advantageous to my reading of tao and khora as parallel sites, perceived as synonymous and only meeting with a supplementary inversion at the divide between the east and the west. ø­XÇ hÎ5»ÐÅ ­\Õ |±XÇ”² }ÂÀÉ JÅä². ³à ˜°”² tÕ´ÌÈxÇ hÎ5»tÇ ˜°ÀИ°”² Ù³‘Å8»ÌÕXÇ ¬P± - \¸à¬¤ÂÉìÂüÈXÇXÇ uÕìÂÐÅ ˆÇ”² J®@Ç õ¬ÈÕhÕ- tÇ ´Å5¸ä²”² ÈDÇ �Ç8Áˆ× ô¼ìÅÉ ƒ¬tÇä². \ÔXÇ8»�Ç\¸ ´ ®ÐÅ ­tÕÁ  \¸à¬¤Â ÉìÂüÈXÇ xÆ€½ÐÅÁ ¬%¸\Õ 8»…ºtÇ ¼ÈXÕଠˆÇä²”² �Ép¬ \¸ \ÔÖ\Õ p³¬¹ä²XÇ ÂÂØ®|° ¬@Ç ¼¸Å@Ç ¹ÒÈ ÉÓ‰ÕüÈXÇXÇ TÅÜÂ\¸ ¬üÈ ´ ƒ¬tÇä². ®ÐÅ ­\Õ p³¬¹ä²XÇ tÕ´Ì@Æ |·‰ÎXÇ ì¬¹„½ÁÈxÇ tÇ`¸, ø­¬¹à¬ tÇ |±8»ÐÅÁ °ÆðÅˆ× È¹üÈ\Õ Ù³‘Å ÌYÕ ¬XÇ ÉÓ‰ÕüÈXÇ. \ÔXÇ8»�Ç\¸ ´ ¶”² LÇ1Á<Ç\¸ ´ ®XÇ XÇø» ˆÇ”² ô¼ ®@Ç ÉÓ‰ÕXÕ”² ƒ¬<Ç\¸hÃ, ij@Æ TÏ|·ÐÅ ­\Õ ˜°XÇ Å³ÁÐÅ ¬¥Ç ÇuÇXÕä². tÇ P´ ¬ÀÉ”² ǬÀXÕŒ¬ xÇÝ´ଠٳÁ‘ÅXÇ ½¬Ä¬ÐÅÁ ô¼DÆÈxÇ ÈXÖXÇ ÖÜÐ\¸ ̹œ°ä². This synonymy will be read from a critical examination of the various cinematic translations of Ringu from the novelist, Koji Suzuki, including Feardotcom, which is named alternatively Parallax in the United States. Although Derrida’s deconstructive focus is on difference, he gestures to the sameness in form as presence: the identity of the self made possible only with the rejection of the other, a rejection that recalls the other as a trace, which is not that different from the Lacanian splitting of the One, a doubling that speaks of the antagonism between dichotomies as a contestation between mirror opposites; the two sides of the same coin meet precisely because they will never meet in a face-to-face encounter. In other words, the tension between conceptual opposites is différance speaking of sameness within the inversion; the sameness attests to the structural problematic we confront in the reading of texts. The Lacanian knot, a result of the encore of centres, is reconciled here with the “parallax view” of Slavoj Zizek playing the deus ex machina. tÇ Ç¬À1Á@Ç  Á¹ XÇ ä²‘Å\Õ ÆÁÀ ˆ¼íÅDÇ Äżˆ× pȬÀhÕ<Ç\¸hà LÅ  ˆÇä². Á¹@Ç ŒÁ$Á¬ ¤ÂˆÉ¤Ð TÏÜÂ(Koji Suzuki)ij ˆ¼íňÕà¬, ø»m­ÐÅÁ”²  Parallax \¸ ˆ½¬¹0®Ä³ XÕ”²  Feardotcom ¬ ˆÇä². p³¬¹ä²XÇ tÕ´ÌÈ ÉìÂÐÅ”² (ÌtǬ ˆÇÀÉ̹, ÖÜÐÐÅÁ”² ä²LÇü¬ ¬@Ç Ç¬À1ÁDÇ ô¼Æä². ÀÐ�Ç|¹ p¬€½hÕ<Ç\¸hÃ̹ �ÇDÅ|¹ UÖxÇ. ÀÐ�Ç|¹ T×È<Ç\¸hà ŒÖÁÀXÕ”² ƒ¬DÇ p¬€½, tÇ”² |·a® )¼ÝÂXÇ  the One DÇ „½¬¹XÕ”² ƒ¬ü¬ ä²t¹ÀÉ JÅä². p¬¸Æ �ÁXÇ D¾\Î ˜°@Æ äÂÈ ˜°XÇ tÇ„½•¼ ¬ÀtÇ ³½¹ÐÅ ­\Õ 0¼�É, Á\¸ °¬TÏ ³tº`Õ  ÆÅ0® Lµ8»ÐÅ Ù³ÈXÇ ‘ÅtºtÇ ÈUÖˆ× |ÇXÎhÕ. ä²Ü йtÕÁ ¬P±È ¼³ ¬ÀtÇXÇ ¬ñ´@Ç ÈXÖ ´°€½XÇ Ù³|Ç1ÁÐÅ ­tÕ Ð¹XÕ”² )¼ÝÂXÇ (ÌtÇä². ǬÀ1Á@Ç MѤ¸Ò|¹ }ÇDÇ Lµ °Æ¬¹¬ ÁÉtºXÕ”² l­pÈÈxÇ 8»È\¸ ˜°ÀМ°ä². ÉìÂDÇ ”Æl­XÕ”² °¬ü¬xÇ |·a®XÇ ä¹í´@Ç Í�ÇðÅÈxÇ ˜×DÇ ô¼ìÅÉ ¤Â|·ô¼ ÀÉÈ(Slavoj Zizek) XÇ  parallax view @Æ pÈTÖ|¹ tÇì¸ä². Thus, all representations are merely illusory cords, the Derridean supplements, linking the self to the other, open to discordance because of the terrifying vortex of the Real. Postmodernist culture and poststructuralist thinking are transliterated by the east to forms that are doppelgangers retaining the silhouettes of the west but rebutting the west with the left-handed violence of desubstantiation owing to permutation. What we have instead are intercultural transferences, oscillations that see eastern philosophy making a migratory re-turn to the east, different and, yet, the same. 0µ|·Á ¨ºà´ \ÔÁÀä´@Ç è²Â\Õ )̬XÇ TÏÜ´tÇpº, �ÇDÅ@Æ ÀÐxÇDÇ ð۬XÕ”² p³¬¹ä²ÝÂXÇ ô¼DÆ@Ç tȬÇXÇ ŒÁ©ÆÌ³tÇ\¸ xÇtÕ €½pÈTÖ|¹ |Å0®\Õä². ìÓ¤Â¸Ò ¨ºT³È²˜É 8»TÖ@Æ ÄÖ0®l­pÈüÈXÇXÇ ¬Àଔ² Á‘ÅXÇ xÆÖDÇ ÇÀÉXÕ”² ij Õ1¬´Å|¹ Ö1ÁXÕ”² Ù³‘Å<Ç\¸ À¼TÖ ´ÈÅÀÉ̹, XÎXÖ<Ç\¸ xÇtÕ ŒÈ ÓÈ íÓ%¸XÇ D¾ä´ÌTÖ|¹ µÑtÕ Á‘ÅDÇ €½xÇ\Õä². ³à °Æ¬¹”² 8»TÖ¬ tÇÙ³ü¬, Ù³‘Å ÌYÕÐÅÁ”² Ù³‘Å<Ç\¸XÇ À­XÖtÇ|·à¬ ô¼”², ¬ÀÉ̹ ä²x¹ üÈ0®È À¼Ù³DÇ ½¬ØÕ\Õä². Change and Continuity: Asian Cultural Identities and Nationalism in a Globalising Age À¼TÖ@Æ ÀÉ�Á1Á: DÅÜÂDÅ8»TÖÈ´Ì1Áü¬ 8ÁĬTÖ Ü³XÇ ü»qÈüÈXÇ Eliane Boey Sum / Singapore Management University ØÅ¬¹¸Å ô¼tÇ ,Á(Eliane Boey Sum) / ñ¬ìÓt¹ ½¬Æ ³YÕ Abstract Í]¸ Increasing inter-connectivity and decreasing boundaries are only some of the globalising forces that brought the world to Asia Pacific and vice versa. Responding in kind, Asia Pacific regionalism aims to present a regional market to facilitate outwardlooking trade. Presumed cultural similarities and values aid this movement. Yet the culturally destabilising effects of both forces come to bear as intra-Asian cultural and national differences amongst surface similarities makes groups want to assert their individual cultural identities above others clamouring for attention in the region and beyond. This is seen at the group level, with paranational Asian cultural identities seeking to re-assert themselves and at the national level, with the awakening of Asian nationalism as a response to the presence of cultural “others”. Interestingly, non-ethnically and culturally homogenous nations are more likely to face these phenomena than others in the region. A possible way forward for approaching issues of regional ethnicity and cultural identity is to strive for multiculturalism and not the melting pot, yet it remains to be seen if true multiculturalism can exist as cultural identities and groups seek to reassert themselves ÀÉíŬ ð۬1ÁtÇ �ɬXÕଠ½¬Ä¬¬ DÆTÖ´”² ƒ¬@Ç, DÅÜÂDÅ ÜÐÉÓ‘ÅÀÉíÅü¬ 8ÁĬ|¹ ð۬XÕ”² 8ÁĬTÖXÇ Ù³%¸ |Ç€½ÐÅ ˆ½ü¬XÕä². tÇÐÅ ³QÇXÕìÅ DÅÜÂDÅ ÜÐÉÓ‘Å ÀÉíÅüÈXÇ”² xÆ€½ ÀÉ¥ÕÈxÇ 4»íÅDÇ ÍÄÉXÕ0® ÇtÕÁ, ÀÉíÅÈ ÂÉXÇ Ü崂 $Á½¹DÇ ©º\Ô\¸ \Õä². 8»TÖÈ Ç¬À1Áü¬ ¬XΔ² tÇì·\Õ ”Í8ÁЊijÀÆtÇ ´ä². ø­ì·˜° tÇ P´ ¬ÀÉ Ù³%¸ÐÆtÇ 8»TÖÈ ˆ½HÅÈDÇ |Å0®XÕ”² ¨Öü¬|¹ xÇÝÂtÕ|Å \Õä². \ÆÐ°XÕtº íÅ´° DÅÜÂDÅm­¬ä´XÇ xÆÖÈ Ç¬À1Á tÇtºXÇ 8»TÖÈ, m­¬È (ÌtÇä´\¸ xÇtÕÁ, ¬ m­¬”² ଠÇ\Õ 8»TÖÈ È´Ì1ÁDÇ üÈ¥ÇXÕଠÀÉíÅÈ, 8ÁĬÈxÇ ­ìÂDÇ 8ÖŒÁXÕ0® Lµ8»tÇä². ÑÉè² (ÌÐÆÐÅÁ DÅÜÂDÅ m­¬ä´@Ç ¬m­XÇ 8»TÖÈ È´Ì1ÁDÇ ¤Â¤Â\¸|¹ ¬ÇUÖxÇXÕ$¸ `Õ ƒ¬tÇpº, m­¬È (ÌÐÆÐÅÁ 8»TÖÈ  ÀÐ�Ç XÇ tȬÇÐÅ ³\Õ ³QÇ<Ç\¸hÃ, DÅÜÂDÅXÇ ü»qÈüÈXǬ ¼ÝÀXÕŒ¬ ´ ƒ¬tÇä². ü»qÈÈ<Ç\¸ 8»TÖÈ<Ç\¸ è²|ÇXÕÀÉ JÅ@Ç m­¬ä´tÇ tÇì·\Õ ÖÁÀÐÅ ÁÉtº`Õ ¬¥²1ÁtÇ ’±ä². ÀÉíÅÈ ü»qÈ, 8»TÖÈ È´Ì1ÁÐÅ ­\Õ Èü­)¼ÝÂÐÅ”²  \ºÓÓ tÇ DÅ̲ ä²8»TÖüÈXÇ|¹ ”Íl­XÕ”² )¼•¼tÇ ˆÇä². ø­ì·˜° 8»TÖÈ È´Ì1Áü¬ ÑÉè²ä´tÇ €½ÁÀXÕ”² ÁÀiÖÐÅÁ ÄÉÈ\Õ ä²8»TÖüÈXǬ tȬÇ`Õ  ˆÇDÇÀÉ”² P´à¬ ½|Å \Õä². Writing the nation and the  Other A Case Study in Japan s National Identity Discourse |Çø¼ü¬  ÀÐ�Ç |¹ 0®]¸XÕpº, |Çø¼XÇ m­¬È´Ì1Á ô²`¸XÇ ¬À@¸ðÅl­ Alexander Bukh / JSPS Post-Doctorate Fellow, Waseda University LÅ ¸°À0Ñ „¼lÐ(Alexander Bukh) / @Æ8Áä² ³YÕ , JSPS ¼¬À ÄÖ ðÅl­ü¬È Introduction ij…Ç This article was concieved as part of a broader inqury into the construction of Japan s national identity. The fascination with Japan s ideational and cultural structures has been shared by both Western and Japanese pundits alike, and has resulted in numerous academic and quasi-academic works, most of which engage in exploration of the generic cultural, normative or ideational structures of the Japanese society (for example, see Dale 1986 and Befu 1992 for a critical review of the Japanese works, Benedict 1946, Vogel 1978, Kazenstein 1996, Berger 1998). It is beyond doubt that all of these works have their benefits in offering positivist explanations for social scientists and general public that demand a structure that would bind the non-material factors and policy. However, the conclusion that was reached by the present author is that attempts to uncover a monolithic structure combined with the postivist framework are bound to result in essentialism and generalisation of both the non-material structures and policy alike (see Bukh 2001 for further discussion.) ø¼ ðÅl­Á”² |Çø¼XÇ m­¬È´Ì1Á Ö1ÁÐÅ ­\Õ ­”¼Ç\Õ pȬÀXÇ |ÇXÖ<Ç\¸ ¬üÈ´ÈÅä². |Çø¼XÇ ­P±ü¬ 8»TÖÈ l­pÈXÇ ä¹%¸@Ç Á‘Åü¬ |Çø¼XÇ È8»¬ä´ ¨ºP´ÐÅŒ¬ xÇȼDÅTÆà¬, ι@Ç YÕ ÂÈ, É YÕ ÂÈxÇ ‘ÇÅÅDÇ Ì¹ä´ÈÅä². ³€½„½XÇ ‘ÇÅÅä´@Ç |Ç¼È 8»TÖ, |Çø¼¬ÀŒÖXÇ ÈÖÈxÇ ¶”² ­P±ÈxÇ l­pÈ|¹ ðÅl­XÕ”² ƒ¬tÇÈÅä². (Æ|¹ ä´tº Dale 1986 and Befu 1992 for a critical review of the Japanese works, Benedict 1946, Vogel 1978, Kazenstein 1996, Berger 1998). XÇìÂXÇ ìÅÀÉÆÅtÇ ¨ºà´ ‘ÇÅÅä´@Ç ¬ÀŒÖü¬YÕ�Ç@Æ |Ǽ³ÉtÇ ”Æl­XÕ”² D¾<»ÈÉÈ ”ÆŒÁ@Æ ÈEÌDÇ ð۬XÕ”² l­pÈÐÅ ³\Õ ®ÈÈxÇ $Á…ºDÇ ÈÜÂXÕ”² ¥ÇÈtÇ ˆÇä². XÕÀÉ̹ Ç ‘ǬXÇ °¬`¸@Ç ®ÈÈxÇ ´ÌÈ@Æ hÕØ® è²|Çl­pÈ|¹ ÈÜÂXÕ$¸”² ÜÂij”² D¾<»ÈÉÈ l­pÈ@Æ ÈEÌ ¨ºP´XÇ ø¼ÈÉüÈXÇ@Æ |ǼTÖ|¹ ³°DÇ ¬¥²1ÁtÇ lÐä²”² ÈtÇä². (”ͬÈ |±XÇ|¹ ÇtÕÁ Bukh 20018Ìà¬) In order to aviod those dangers but also to avoid over-complicated definitions of national identity, here it is defined as a multi-layered and dynamic construct which consits of cognitive discursive practises that shape the relativized understanding of the “self” vis-à-vis the “other” (Hopf 2002, 24-25) While this “constructivist” approach can be considered relatively new (but, as some may claim, already over-used) in International Relations, the conceptions of a nation not as a historical reality but as a “spiritual principle that relies on memories of a common past has been present in historical scholarship for over a century (see Renan 1990,19.) ø­ì·\Õ ÇØÕDÇ É¹à¬ m­¬È´Ì1ÁÐÅ ­\Õ Àɘ°XÎŒ¬ õ¼¡Ç\Õ ÈXÇ|¹ ɹ0® ÇtÕÁ, ø¼ ðÅl­ÐÅÁ”² m­¬È´Ì1ÁDÇ �ÇàÂü¬ ÀÐxÇ(Hopf 2002, 24-25)¬XÇ tÇtÕ|¹ ÁÀ³È<Ç\¸ Ö1ÁXÕ”², xÇÀÉÈxÇ ”Í`¸XÇ ‰ÕÇ\¸ l­1Á´ ä²5ÎÈtÇଠíÅÙ³ÈxÇ l­pÈ\¸hà ÈXÇ\Õä². tÇ  l­pÈüÈXÇ È )¼ÝÂ@Ç m­ȭĬÐÅÁ D¾P­È ÈÀ\¸´Æ ¬P±<Ç\¸ ¬üÈ´ä². XÕÀÉ̹ |Ç€½ÐÅÁ”² tÇø» ιtÇ ¬À©Æ´ÈÅä²à¬ üÈ¥ÇXÕ0®Ä³ \Õä². íŬÀÈ ÖäÂ\¸hì DÅ̲, õ¬µÑXÇ ü¬p¬ 0®µÅÐÅ XÇtÈXÕ”² ÈàÂÈxÇ ÐÆ¬¹\¸hÃXÇ m­¬ ¬P±@Ç, 100D±¬ íŬÀYÕ�Ç ¬ÀtÇÐÅÁ |±XÇXÇ ³ÁÀtÇ ´ÈÅä².(8ÌଠRenan 1990,19.) National identity as a relativised discourse vis-à-vis the  other is closely related to the historical narrative (or historical conciousness see Saaler 2005, 125) which provides interpretations of the “self” interaction with the “other” by this serving a dual purpose-providing a unified and continious sense of the “self” and tools for judging and evaluating the present state of relations with this particular “other.” ‘ÀÐ�Ç ÐÅ ­\Õ ÁÀ³ÈxÇ ô²`¸<Ç\¸hÃXÇ m­¬È´Ì1Á@Ç íŬÀÈxÇ $Á…ºü¬ 4®¼ˆ× ðÅ­´´Å ˆÇä². (¶”² Saaler 2005, 125ÐÅ 0µt¹tº íŬÀÈ XÇÝÂ) tÇ íŬÀÈ $Á…º@Ç è²|ÇXÕଠÀÉ�ÁÈxÇ !ÎtºXÇ �ÇDÅ|·”² P´ ¬ÀÉ ©ºÈDÇ Èõ¬XÕà¬, ¹ÒÈ ÀÐ�Ç@ÆXÇ Ö¬Ç ­Ä¬ÁÀÜÐ|¹ ÉÓ¬XÕଠÓè²XÕ”² Âè²tÇ ´tºÁ, ÀÐ�Ç@Æ �ÇDÅXÇ ŒÁµÑÐÅ ­\Õ tÕÁDÇ Èõ¬\Õä². We can conclude that the identification with the nation-State, presupposes a certain kind of emotional tie (Bloom 1990, 28) which is constructed through value laden terms of which the interpretation consists. In other words, purely factual description of certain events can provide a “common experience” but will lack the unifying character of historical memory, as it will not provide the tools necessary for communal orientation emphasized by the definitions of national identity, historical narrative and historical conciousness (Hopf 2002, 25, Barnett 2002, 6, Bloom 1990, 47.) Since the historical narrative of a nation involves numerous “others”, the national identity discourse is a multi-layered construct with the others being located outside and inside the nation, and which can also move between these two realms (see Oguma Eiji 2002.) m­¬XÇ È´Ì1ÁUÖxÇ@Ç tÇì·\Õ tÕÁ<Ç\¸ l­1Á´ ¬XÎ|¹ µÑtÕÁ Ö1Á´ |Ç…ÈXÇ ¬ÈÈxÇ ðų\¸ (Bloom 1990, 28) ÈÈ´´Å ˆÇä²à¬ °¬`¸ ´°´¹  ˆÇä². ä²Ü йtÕÁ, ¹ÒÈ ¬Àt¬DÇ ÂÂXÕŒ¬ ¬ÀäÂÈ<Ç\¸ »¬ÀXÕ”² ƒ¬@Ç õ¬µÑXÇ ½¬ØÕ|Ç Ð¿ DÅȲ|· íŬÀÈ 0®µÅXÇ è²|Ç\Õ ¹Ò1ÁtÇ €½qÈ`Õ ƒ¬tÇ|·”² ÈtÇä². \ÆÐ°XÕtº m­¬È´Ì1Á, íŬÀÈ $Á…º ø­¬¹à¬ íŬÀÈ XÇÝÂXÇ ÈXÇÐÅ XÇtÕÁ ¬pÈ´”², õ¬Ù³XÇ XÇÝÂÐÅ DÕ”Æ\Õ Âè²DÇ Èõ¬XÕÀÉ JÅ0® Lµ8»tÇä². (Hopf 2002, 25, Barnett 2002, 6, Bloom 1990, 47.) m­¬ÐÅ ­\Õ íŬÀÈ »¬À”² ι@Ç  ÀÐ�Çä´ ü¬ ­(¸´0® Lµ8»ÐÅ, m­¬È´Ì1Á ô²`¸@Ç m­´°xÆXÇ ÀÐ�Çä´\¸ tÇ踴ÅÄÉ ä²5ÎÈxÇ l­pÈtÇà¬, ¶\Õ tÇì·\Õ tÇ P´ ÆíÅDÇ tÇÙ³XÕ0®Ä³ \Õä².(8ÌଠOguma Eiji 2002.) The broad interest of the author lies in Japan s national identity construction vis-à-vis Russia and the present inquiry is the result of the search for the locale where identity is constructed. As has been seen in the recent history textbooks controversy, at least in the context of Japan, school textbooks are widely perceived to be the locale for historical consciousness and hence national identity construction in Japan. However, a survey of the most widely used history textbooks in last twenty years has revealed that, unlike with the discourse on Japan’s interactions with its former colonies, the narrative on Russia and Russo-Japanese relations is very limited in space and mainly factual, providing little material for “historical conciousness” construction. In spite of the neutral and limited narrative in the textbooks that has not changed much over the last two decades, the public opinion has been consistently unfriendly to USSR/Russia. Over at least the last three decades the number of respondents that have expressed lack of affinity to Russia has been just below 80 percent, with the numbers dropping below 70 only in 1991 The numbers are similar for the post-war and young generation as well, and could hardly be contributed to direct personal experience. At the same time be easily derived from the official documents on Japan’s foreign policy, in the context of international relations, Russia still occupies a “place of honour” among the nations, with whom bi-lateral relations are considered to be of major importance. ‘Ǭ”² ì·ÜÂDÅ@Æ ­(¸\Õ |Çø¼ m­¬È´Ì1Á Ö1ÁЊι@Ç ­ìÂDÇ P´à¬ ˆÇ<Çpº, tÇ ðÅl­”² È´Ì1ÁtÇ Ö1Á´ m­ü»ä´DÇ pȬÀ\Õ °¬ü¬tÇä². \Íü­XÇ íŬÀP­ü¬Á|±€·ÐÅÁ ˜°ÀИ°ï´tÇ, È´Åij |Çø¼XÇ ­ÈÐÅÁ íŬÀP­ü¬Á”² |Çø¼m­ü»ä´XÇ íŬÀXÇÝÂ, ¶\Õ |Çø¼XÇ m­¬ È´Ì1Á<Ç\¸ ±¬¹ xÇÝ´ä². XÕÀÉ̹ ÀÉœ° 20D±¬XÇ ­”¼ÇXÕŒ¬ ¬À©Æ´ íŬÀP­ü¬ÁÐÅ ­\Õ pȬÀÐÅ 0µt¹tº, |Çø¼ È ÝÂü»ÀÉm­¬ä´ü¬ |Çø¼ü¬XÇ ŒÁµÑÐÅ ³\Õ ô²`¸ü¬”² 첬¹, ì·ÜÂDÅ@Æ |Çø¼­Ä¬ÐÅ ­\Õ tÇ|Å0®”² õ¬¬È<Ç\¸ ä¹°Æ È\ÕÈtÇà¬, üÈ\¸ ¬ÀäÂÈtÇpº, íŬÀÈ XÇÝ l­pÈÐÅ ­\Õ �Ç̸”² p¬XÇ ÆÅä². ÀÉœ° 20D±¬ p¬XÇ À¼XÕÀÉ JÅ@Ç P­ü¬ÁXÇ ɽ¹È, È\ÕÈxÇ 1Á©¬ÐÅij ˆ½l­XÕà¬, ìÅ`¸@Ç ÀÉ�ÁÈ<Ç\¸ l­ ŒÁ(¸ÐÅ °Æ8ÖÈtÇÀÉ JÅXÅä². È´Åij ¼Àí D± Ù³HÅ, ì·ÜÂDÅÐÅ ³\Õ °Æ8Ö €½qÈDÇ \Ô…º\Õ QÇõ²�Çä´@Ç è²ÀÉ 80|Ó<Á¸Ò ø»Ì¹tÇÈÅä². 1991D±ÐÅ”² 70|Ó<Á¸Ò ø»Ì¹<Ç\¸ XÕ}·ˆÕä². (PM Office 2002, 11) tÇ ÂXΔ² ÈÄÖ 8Á³, È@Ç 5ÎXÇ QÇõ²ÂXÎ@Æ D¾·ÂXÕpº, ì·ÜÂDÅ@ÆXÇ ÁÉÈÈxÇ ¬xÇÈ ½¬ØÕtÇ p¬XÇ ÆÅij]¸ ̹ä´ÈÅä². tÇ@Æ Ù³ÜÂÐÅ |Çø¼ xÆP­ÈEÌXÇ ì·ÜÂDŭĬÐÅ ­\Õ õ¬ÝÂ8»ÁÐÅÁ }ÂŒ¬ È`Õ  ˆÇ”² ƒ¬@Ç, ì·ÜÂDÅ”² ìÅÈˆ× É”Æ m­¬ä´ü¬XÇ ‘Å�ǭĬÐÅÁ  ÆÆXÇ ÇXÎ |¹ (ÌÀÉ\Õä²”² ƒ¬tÇä². It can be concluded that the construction of historical narrative vis-à-vis Russia/USSR, does take place and is rather dense and the possibility of Russia being an “irrelevant other” that is located outside of the symbolic universe (Hopf 2002, 8.) However, it occurs outside of school textbooks and the next step would be to explore the actual locale were the discourse on Russia is constructed. If we depart from the scientific understanding of knowledge (at least in the context of historical narrative) as something that clarifies or explains an already given reality, and perceive it as a set of “stories” that are used to authorize ourselves, to create space for ourselves and to explain the world (Pollack 1992, 92-93), we can see that literary works is one of the important locus where this knowledge is created. The relationship between broadly defined literature and the political has been demonstrated by numerous works, of which Edward Said’s Orientalism is probably the most celebrated and influential. ì·ÜÂDÅÐÅ ³\Õ íŬÀÈ $Á…ºXÇ ´ÌĬ¬ ÆÅà¬, $ƈ×$¸ ì·ÜÂDÅ”² ÁÀÕÉÈxÇ °ÆüÈĬ ¼e®ÐÅ tȬÇXÕ”² m­¬|Ç ¬¥²1ÁtÇ ’±ä².( Hopf 2002, 8.) ø­ì·˜° tÇ”² P­ü¬Á ¼XÇ tÇ|Å0®tÇà¬, ä²LÇ è²Ä¬”² ì·ÜÂDÅÐÅ ­\Õ ô²`¸tÇ Ö1Á´ äÂÈ ¥ÇŒÁ|¹ ¨ºÉÀXÕ”² ƒ¬tÇä². È´Åij íŬÀÈ $Á…ºXÇ 8»å¹ÐÅÁ, ÖäÂDÇ $Á…ºXÕଠ…º1¼ˆ× XÕ”² ƒ¬<Ç\¸hÃ, ø­¬¹à¬ °Æ¬¹ �ÇàÂDÇ xÇÈXÕ”²p³ ¬À©Æ´”² |Ç(¸XÇ  tÇ|Å0® \¸hà xÇÝ´à¬, °Æ¬¹XÇ õ¬¬DÇ ÄÐÝÀܤÐà¬, 8ÁĬ|¹ $Á…ºXÕ0® ÇtÕÁ, ÀÉÝÂXÇ ü¬YÕÈ tÇtÕ|¹ —¼´Åœ°ä²tº, 8»YÕÈ ‘LjÔ@Ç tÇì·\Õ ÀÉÝÂtÇ ÄÐÝÀ´”² É”Æ\Õ Éì ÉXÇ XÕ˜°¬ ´ ƒ¬tÇä². ­”¼ÇXÕŒ¬ ÈXÇ´ 8»YÕü¬ ÈXÎXÇ ­Ä¬”² ι@Ç ‘LjÔÐÅÁ ˜°ÀМ°ä². ¬ÀtÇÜ´(Said)XÇ Ù³‘ÅüÈXÇ (Orientalism) ”² ¬¥Ç ι@Ç ,̬À|¹ ¼”² Æ¥Õ%¸ ˆÇ”² ‘LjÔ|Ç ƒ¬tÇä². In this vein, Hadfield noted in the context of 16th century Britain, that both  literature and  nation interacted and were in the interdependent relations. Furthermore, “literature” has always related to other kinds of discourse, some of which were used to define national identity and the “nation” had to be read against other nations and forms of imagined communities. (Hadfield 1994, 1) This understanding is echoed by Brennan in his description of modern nationalism, when he notes that “literary myth” has played a role in the creation of modern European nations. (Brennan 1990, 49) The author believes that this understanding of the  nation and  literature has not lost its validity and should be applied in analyses of modern nation constructions. tÇì·\Õ ­ÈÐÅÁ Hadfield”² 168Á0® Æm­ÐÅÁ 8»YÕü¬ m­¬”² ÁÀ8ÖŒÁµÑXÕଠÁÀ8ÖXÇtÈÈxÇ ­Ä¬|·à¬ ÀÉȈÕä². ¶\Õ 8»YÕ@Ç mÕÁÀ m­¬È´Ì1ÁDÇ Ü­…ºXÕ”²p³ ¬À©Æ´”² tÇ|Å0®ä´ü¬ ­(¸tÇ ˆÇä². ø­¬¹à¬ m­¬”² ä²x¹ m­¬ä´, ÁÀÁÀXÇ õ¬Ù³´ÌXÇ ÖÜÐ@Æ D¾P­tÕÁ ÓEÅ´´Å|Å \Õä². (Hadfield 1994, 1) tÇì·\Õ ÝÀ¬@Ç ¾¸ ± (Brennan) tÇ  8»YÕÈ àÂTÖ ”² ü­³ Çý·m­¬ ÄÐÝÀÐÅ 0®ìÅtÕTÆä²à¬ ÀÉÈ\Õ ü­³ m­¬üÈXÇXÇ »¬ÀÐÅÁij ˜°ÀМ°ä². m­¬@Æ 8»YÕÐÅ ³\Õ tÇtÕ”² ÀÐù²1ÁDÇ ƒÇÀÉ JÅ<Çpº, ü­³ m­¬ t¬$ÁXÇ „½ÁЊȩƴ´Å|Å \Õä²à¬ ÿ»”²ä². Literature and identity can be perceived to have a dialectical relationship-the writing is not occurring in a vacuum but is a reflection of a certain knowledge and experience (Pollack 1992, 1) At the same time, literature broadly defined, shapes knowledge, perceptions and identities. Historical novels and essays, seem to play a particularly important role in this context, as, while being located within a certain pool of knowledge and experience, it also has the power to shape the contents of this pool through providing different interpretations and perceptions of historical figures and events, their origins, causes and meanings. It also allows the people to imagine the nation (Brennan 1990, 49) as it provides boundaries of the nation, portraying a common experience that separates the  self from the  other. 8»YÕü¬ È´Ì1Á@Ç À¼�ÉÈxÇ ­Ä¬ - ®ðÄ0®”² ÄÉõ¬ÁÀÜÐÐÅÁ |Ǵذ”² ƒ¬tÇ DÅȲ|· ¹ÒÈ ÀÉÝÂü¬ ½¬ØÕXÇ ¼ÆtÇä². (Pollack 1992, 1) - \¸ ìŨ¬ÈÉ  ˆÇä². Ù³ÜÂÐÅ ­XÇXÇ 8»YÕ@Ç ÀÉÝÂ, xÇÝÂ, È´Ì1ÁDÇ Ö1Á\Õä². íŬÀŒÁ$Á, ÐÅ8ÁtÇ”² tÇì·\Õ ­ÈÐÅÁ ¹Òˆ× É”Æ\Õ íÅ`ÕDÇ XÕpº Ù³ÜÂÐÅ ¹ÒÈ ÀÉÝÂü¬ ½¬ØÕXÇ ”¼üÈ ´°ÐÅ tȬÇ\Õä². ¶\Õ íŬÀÈ ¹ÒÉÀü¬ ¬Àt¬, 0®ÐÆ, ÐÆxÇ, XÇø»ÐÅ ³\Õ ä²x¹ tÕÁü¬ xÇÝÂDÇ Èõ¬hÕ<Ç\¸hÃ, tÇð· ”¼üÈXÇ ´°©Æ<»DÇ l­1ÁXÕ”² ˜×DÇ ¬ÄÉä². ¶\Õ m­¬XÇ ½¬Ä¬, �ÇDÅ@Æ ÀÐ�Ç|¹ „½¬¹hÕ<Ç\¸hÃ, õ¬µÑXÇ ½¬ØÕDÇ »¬ÀXÕtºÁ ¬ÀŒ·ä´tÇ m­¬|¹ ÁÀÁÀXÕij]¸ ̹à´ä². This paper explores one of the meta- stories in the works of Shiba Ryotaro. Shiba has been one of the most popular writers in post-war Japan and his works, including historical novels and essays on a variety of subjects that are unified by their belonging to the meta-narrative called “Japan”, are still widely read. While his works probably have little to offer to those looking for the exquisite aesthetics of the well known Japanese writers such as Mishima Yukio, Kawabata Yasunari or Oe Kenzaburo, Shiba, the “people’s writer” (Keen 2004, 87 and Matsumoto 1996, 14), is undoubtedly one of the most dominant figures in the discourse on Japanese identity. As such his works deserve the scholarly attention that so far has been denied by both domestic and international scholarship, haunted by the spectre of positivism and restricted by rigid inter-disciplinary border delimitations. tÇ |±8»@Ç Ü¼ ̸ÀÐ\¸(Shiba Ryotaro)XÇ ‘LjÔÐÅÁ ÖtÇÁÀÈxÇ tÇ|Å0® É XÕ˜°|¹ ðÅl­\Õä². ܼ(Shiba)”² ÈÄÖ |Çø¼XÇ ¬¥Ç Ç…º\Õ ³ɑǬ É \Õ …ºtÇpº, ø­XÇ ÖtÇÁÀÈ<Ç\¸ »¬À´  |Çø¼ ÐÅ �Á\Õ ä²‘Å\Õ üÈÈÐÅ ­\Õ íŬÀŒÁ$Áü¬ ÐÅ8ÁtÇ”² ìÅÈˆ× Î¹@Ç Å³�Çä´tÇ }ÇଠˆÇä². ˜Ç LÅ$¸ÄÉ |Çø¼ ‘Ç¬ä´ Mishima Yukio, Kawabata Yasunari or Oe Kenzaburo XÇ ð¶´Åœ° ø»YÕDÇ ”Íl­XÕ”² ¬ÀŒ·ä´ÐÅŒ¬”² ø­XÇ ‘LjÔtÇ Ä¼ ijÀÆtÇ HÅ ´ÀÉ ¨ºt¹ÀÉ̹,  m­ü»XÇ ‘Ǭ (Keen 2004, 87 and Matsumoto 1996, 14)xÇ Ü¼”² „½…º |Çø¼ È´Ì1ÁXÇ ô²`¸ÐÅ ˆÇ´ÅÁ ÀÉ0¼È xÇ<» É \Õ ¬ÀŒ·tÇä². ø­XÇ ‘LjÔä´@Ç m­´°xÆXÇ YÕ�Çä´tÇ ÀÉ®L®ÀÉ €½ÈtÕTÆà¬, äÂ�ÉüÈXÇÐÅ ÜÂ첬¹à¬, ÄÅ©¬\Õ ´°€½ Ü­(ÇÈ \ÕĬ\¸ È\Õ´´Å TÆÀÉ̹, YÕ ÂÈ ­ìÂtÇ ´ ¬Xά ˆÇä². No doubt that establishing a  properly scientific cause/effect relationship between Shiba s writings and the political is an impossible task as such. Notwithstanding, Shiba’s influence on the society and the elites is obvious. His works have been quoted as a source of inspiration by at least by two prime-ministers in official speeches and by numerous politicians and opinion leaders Shiba’s essays have been published (and re-published) in the most popular magazines and his historical novels have sold millions of copies, with two of them, one related to the Russo-Japanese War and the other to the Meiji Restoration, currently being all-time bestsellers. In 1999, the former, titled “The Cloud on Top of the Hill” was chosen by the readers of the popular magazine Bungei shunshu as the most valuable book to be left for the future from all the books written in the 20 th century and was chosen to be the best historical book on Japan by “the representatives of the intelligentsia” (quoted in Chuo Koron 1.2.2004, 61.) Furthermore, Shiba was called a “leader of civilization” by one of Japanese prominent writers. (Sekikawa 2003, 64) „½…º ܼXÇ ‘LjÔü¬ ÈXÎXÇ ÈÈ\Õ xÇü¬­Ä¬ Ö1ÁXÕ”² ƒ¬@Ç ˆ½¬¥²\Õ ‘ÇÅÅü¬ ¬ä². ø­ü·ÐÅij ˆ½l­XÕଠ|Çø¼¬ÀŒÖ@Æ ØÅ¬¹¸Ò5ÎÐÅ |°\ΠܼXÇ Æ¥Õ%¸@Ç …º1¼XÕä². ø­XÇ ‘LjÔä´@Ç È´Åij P´ …ºXÇ ͬ¹¬ õ¬Ý ðÅ$ÁÐÅÁ xÇ©ÆXÕà¬, ι@Ç ÈXÎxÇä´ü¬ ìÅ`¸DÇ üÈijXÕ”² ¬ÀŒ·ä´tÇ xÇ©Æ`Õ Èij\¸ ƬDÇ üÈÈÅä². ܼXÇ ÐÅ8ÁtÇ”² Ç…º ¡ÇÀɬÀä´tÇ œÍÓ, ¬ÇÓˆÕ<Çpº íŬÀŒÁ$Á@Ç  1¼Ì¹ €½¬ Ó8¸ä². ø­ É XÕ˜°”² ì·|ÇÈÁÇÐÅ ­\Õ ƒ¬tÇଠä²x¹ XÕ˜°”² TºtÇÀÉ ÇàÂÐÅ ­\Õ ƒ¬tÇpº, ¸ÅȘ°  ¼¤Â¸Ò@Áì·tÇä². 1999D±  The Cloud on Top of the Hill ”² ³É ¡ÇÀÉxÇ Bungei shunshuÐÅÁ ų�Çä´tÇ 208Á0® ‘ÇˆÔ É ø»˜·ÐÅ ¨°0®à¬ öÂ@Ç \Íà¬XÇ ¬XÎ ˆÇ”² EÌ<Ç\¸ ÁÈ´ÈÅä². ¶\Õ |Çø¼XÇ ÀÉ1Á ä´tÇ |Çø¼ÐÅ ­\Õ \Íà¬XÇ íŬÀEÌ<Ç\¸ ÁȈÕä². (Chuo Koron 1.2.2004, 61.xÇ©Æ) ¶\Õ Ü¼”² |Çø¼ Ç%¸‘Ǭ É \Õ …ºtÇ  8»…ºXÇ ÀÉij�Ç |·à¬ ˆ½¸ä². (Sekikawa 2003, 64) Understanding the Korean Diaspora from Comparative Perspectives ÁÀ³È ­ÈÐÅÁ \Õm­xÇXÇ tÕxÆtÇü» tÇtÕ In-Jin Yoon / Korea University $ÇxÇÄÉ/à¬$¸³YÕP­ INTRODUCTION ij…Ç According to 2005 statistics, 6.6 million Koreans are estimated to live in 160 different countries around the world (Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, 2005). This population of overseas Korean residents is equal to roughly 9% of the total combined populations of South and North Korea. Overseas Koreans are regionally concentrated in four super-powers: China (2.43 million), the United States (2.08 million), Japan (900,000), and the Commonwealth of Independent States, or CIS (530,000). The Korean Diaspora was an unintended consequence of the unfortunate events of modern Korean history. However, due to this Diaspora, Korea now has an invaluable pool of worldwide human capital, and thus a competitive edge over other countries with respect to globalization. 2005D± µÑĬÐÅ 0µt¹tº, 61¼6íÂ̹ …ºXÇ \Õm­xÇä´tÇ 8ÁĬÈ<Ç\¸ 160 m­¬ÐÅ ´ÀଠˆÇ”² ƒ¬<Ç\¸ ”ÍÈ´ä².(xÆP­µÑÁÀ€½ 2005) ¬ÇxÆm­ü»XÇ +Â�Ç”² ¨°�½\Õ m­ü»DÇ iÕ\Î ÂXÇ }Å 9%ÐÅ ì²\Õä². ¬ÇxÆm­ü»ä´@Ç Àɬ¹È<Ç\¸ ô¼tº 4¬XÇ üÈ”Æ ¬³m­ÐÅ p¬üÈ\Õä²  Ém­(243̹), ø»m­(208̹), |Çø¼(9íÂ̹), ų½¹m­¬ðÅiÕ(53̹). \Õm­xÇXÇ tÇü»@Ç ü­³ \Õm­ íŬÀXÇ ˆ½‰Õ\Õ ¬Àt¬ä´\¸ xÇtÕ XÇijXÎ JÅŒ¬ ܑǴÈÅä². XÕÀÉ̹ tÇ\¸ xÇtÕ, \Õm­@Ç À­É\Õ xÇÈ �ÇÐÆDÇ 8ÁĬÈ<Ç\¸ ô¼ ÇXÕŒ¬ ´ÈÅà¬, 8ÁĬTÖXÇ Ü³ÐÅ ä²x¹ ˜°|· ô¼ä² ½¬ÁÇÈ °ÆÇ|¹ ÇÀÉXÕŒ¬ ´ÈÅä². Despite the Korean Diaspora s relatively short history from around the mid-19th century, it is characterized by myriad challenges and responses in various settings. For the sake of simplicity, we can categorize the Korean Diaspora into four distinct periods. The first period is from the 1860s to 1910, when farmers and laborers emigrated to China, Russia, and Hawaii to escape famine, poverty, and oppression by the ruling class. The second period is between 1910 and 1945, when farmers and laborers who were deprived of land and other means of production moved to Japan to fill labor shortage created by Japan’s wartime conditions. This period is also characterized by the migration of political refugees and activists to China, Russia, and the United States to carry out the Korean independence movement against the Japanese. The third period is from 1945 to 1962, the year when the South Korean government established an emigration policy. \Õm­xÇ tÇü»@Ç 198Á0® ɼ€½0Ñ Ü‘Ç´ D¾P­È çÉ@Ç íŬÀÐÅij ˆ½l­XÕà¬,  ι@Ç Ä³Èü¬ 䲑Å\Õ 0¼½¬ÐÅ ³\Õ ³QÇDÇ ¹ÒÕÉ<Ç\¸ \Õä². …ºÌ¸XÕŒ¬ tÇtÕXÕ0® ÇtÕÁ, \Õm­XÇ tÇü»DÇ 4¬XÇ ÜÂ0®\¸ l­„½\Õä². «Ì ˆ¼øÉ ÜÂ0®”² 1860D±³€½0Ñ 1910D±L®ÀÉ �±€½ä´ü¬ ü­\¸�Çä´tÇ Ém­, ì·ÜÂDÅ, XÕ@ÆtÇ\¸ H¾ä¬, 0®DÅ, ÀÉ0¼5ÎXÇ µÅUÅDÇ <ÕtÕÁ tÇüÈ\Õ ÜÂ0®tÇä². P´ ˆ¼øÉ”² 1910D±€½0Ñ 1945D±L®ÀÉ  ÑÀÉ@Æ ä²x¹ ÝÀ°ÀÂè²DÇ |¾WÅ4® �±€½@Æ ü­\¸�Çä´tÇ |Çø¼ÐÅ ÈÜ x±Ù³%¸ €½qÈDÇ D̰Æ0® ÇtÕÁ tÇüÈ\Õ ÜÂ0®tÇä². tÇ ÜÂ0®”² ÈXÎÈ œ°ü», ´ÆÙ³¬ä´tÇ |Çø¼<Ç\¸€½0ÑXÇ Å³½¹ ´ÆÙ³DÇ ÇtÕÁ Ém­, ì·ÜÂDÅ, ø»m­<Ç\¸ ¬ ÜÂ0®tÇ0®Ä³ XÕä². 8Á ˆ¼øÉxÇ 1945D±ü¬ 1962D±@Ç \Õm­È€½¬ tÇü» ÈEÌDÇ ½¹\Õ ÜÂ0®tÇä². In this period, students, war orphans, children of mixed parentage, and wives of U.S. military servicemen came to the United States for the purpose of study abroad, adoption, and family reunion. The fourth period is from 1962 to the present. In this period, Koreans began to leave their home country for permanent settlement in foreign countries. In 1962 the South Korean government initiated group and contract emigration to Latin America, Western Europe, Middle East, and the North America. Furthermore, U.S. immigration policy in 1965 that effectively abolished the national origins system (which had until then discriminated against people not from Northern or Western Europe) opened the door for Korean immigration to the United States in large numbers in search of better economic and educational opportunities. tÇ ÜÂ0®ÐÅ”² YÕÝÀ, ÈÁÇà¬DÅ, <ÖÖDÅ, ø»p­ €½xÇä´tÇ ÇYÕ, …Ç‘Å, ¬qÈÁÀ ½ ñ´XÇ ©ºÈ<Ç\¸ ø»m­ÐÅ ¬ä². $± ˆ¼øÉ ÜÂ0®”² 1962D±€½0Ñ Ö¬ÇL®ÀÉtÇä². tÇ ÜÂ0®ÐÅ \Õm­xÇä´@Ç xÆm­ÐÅ p¬üÈ ©ºÈ<Ç\¸ tÇüÈXÕ0® Ü‘LjÕä². 1962D± \Õm­È€½”² ɨ°ø», Á Çý· ÉÙ³, �½ø»ÐÅ è²´Ì tÇü»ü¬ Ĭ}Å tÇü»DÇ Ü‘LjÕä². ¶\Õ 1965D± ø»m­XÇ tÇü» ÈEÌ@Ç ¨Öü¬È<Ç\¸ m­È Èij|¹ ÐÓÀɈÕä². tÇ\¸ xÇtÕ ø­¬ �½€½, Ù³€½ Çý·tÇü»�Çä´@Ç (ÌļDÇ ¼DÅTÆä². ÐÓÀÉ\¸ xÇtÕ T³ ˜°@Ç ½¬ÈÈ ÁÀiÖü¬ P­!ÇXÇ 0®ŒÖ|¹ »ÅŒ¬ ´´Å \Õm­xÇXÇ ø»m­tÇü»tÇ ³p¬ ܑǴÈÅä². Indeed, each wave of Korean immigration was driven by different historical factors in Korea as well as the host countries, and thus the motivations and characteristics of Korean immigrants in each period were also substantially different. Thus, Koreans provide students of race and ethnic relations with a rare case to investigate how immigrants, countries of origin and destination, and timing of immigration interact with each other to influence the ways immigrants and their descendants adapt to new environments. ¶\Õ ÜÂ0®Ä¼ tÇü»m­ü¬ \Õm­XÇ íŬÀÈ ”ÆxÇtÇ ä²t¹ä². 0µ|·Á ¬ ÜÂ0®Ä¼\¸ tÇü» Ù³0®@Æ ¹Ò1Á íÅÜ ÁÀù²ˆ× ä²t¹ä². tÇ”² tÇü»�Ç, m­È, tÇü»m­, tÇü»ÜÂ0®¬ tÇü»�Ç@Æ tÇü»ÄÖ�Áä´tÇ ÈÀ\¸´Æ XÖ½¬ ÈQÇXÕ”²p³ ´Å µ\Õ ðÅ­tÇ ˆÇ”²ÀÉÐÅ ­\Õ ðÅl­ÐÅ ˆÇ´ÅÁ, xÇ…Èü¬ ü»qÈ ­Ä¬|¹ õ¬€½XÕ”² YÕÝÀä´ÐÅŒ¬ À­É\Õ ¬À@¸¬ ´ä². Previous research on overseas Koreans has been conducted in various fields such as anthropology, sociology, history, politics, and linguistics. Most of these studies, however, have focused on a particular group of Koreans in a particular region such as Koreans in the United States. There have been little efforts to compare overseas Koreans in different world regions. Moreover, most research is basically descriptive, lacking theoretical scrutiny and analysis. Now we need to integrate hitherto scattered pieces of information and develop a coherent theoretical framework by which we can explain systematically diverse experience of overseas Koreans. In this article I will focus on the history and patterns of Korean migration to and adaptation in five countries (China, the Commonwealth of Independent States, Japan, the United States, and Canada), where large numbers of Koreans have settled for long periods of time. ¬ÇxÆm­ü»ÐÅ ­\Õ tÇÈ ðÅl­”² xÇX¹YÕ, ¬ÀŒÖYÕ, íŬÀYÕ, ÈXÎYÕ, ¸Å´ÅYÕ ñ´ 䲑Å\Õ „½|ÅÐÅÁ ÄɉÕ´ÈÅä². XÕÀÉ̹ ³€½„½XÇ ðÅl­”² ø»m­ ´° \Õm­xÇü¬ ¬@Ç ¹ÒÈÀÉíÅXÇ ¹ÒÈ\Õm­ü»ä´ÐÅŒ¬ m­\Õ´´ÅTÆä². 8ÁĬÈ<Ç\¸ ¬ÇxÆ\Õm­ü»ä´DÇ D¾P­XÕ”² ðÅl­”² p¬XÇ ÆÅÈÅä². ¶\Õ ³€½„½XÇ ðÅl­”² 0®ø¼ÈxÇ $Á…ºÉìÂtÇpº, tÇ`¸È pȬÀ@Æ „½ÁtÇ €½qÈXÕä². Ö¬ÇL®ÀÉXÇ „½°À ´ Èô¼ä´DÇ µÑiÕXÕଠ|Ç­ÈxÇ tÇ`¸È ÀÒDÇ ¬¼tÕ|Å \Õä². tÇ|¹ µÑtÕ ¬ÇxÆm­ü»XÇ ä²‘Å\Õ ½¬ØÕDÇ ´ÌĬÈ<Ç\¸ $Á…º`Õ  ˆÇä². tÇ ®ÐÅÁ”² 5¬m­ÐÅÁXÇ (Ém­, ų½¹m­¬ ðÅiÕ, ø»m­, |Çø¼, �Θ°ä²) \Õm­xÇ tÇü» íŬÀ, (Ó4Ñ, ÈQÇÐÅ ÉÈDÇ T´ä². ι@Ç \Õm­xÇä´tÇ tÇ 5¬m­ÐÅÁ ¥Ç0®¬ È)ÌtÕTÆä² I gather information on overseas Koreans from the literature and censuses and government publications of the five countries. Supplementary information came from surveys and field studies I conducted in the United States, the CIS, Canada, and China. The US survey was conducted with 1,315 Korean respondents in 11 large cities of the United States between February and April of 1996. The CIS survey was carried out with 1,302 Korean respondents in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Moscow, Sankt Perterburg (Saint Petersburg), and Sakhalin between July 1997 and March 1998. The Canada survey was completed with 333 respondents in Toronto between January and May of 2001. The China survey was conducted in September, 2003 in Quintao where increasing numbers of Korean migrants are forming their own ethnic community. Questionnaires were distributed to 800 respondents in the Quintao area and 530 cases were used for final analyses. 5¬m­XÇ 8»YÕ, xÇl­pȬÀ, È€½œÍ¬<»DÇ µÑtÕÁ Èô¼|¹ ÂÑɈÕä². ø»m­, ų½¹m­¬ðÅiÕ, �Θ°ä², Ém­ÐÅÁ ‰Õ\Õ pȬÀ@Æ Ö¥ÇðÅl­|¹ µÑtÕÁ ”ͬ Èô¼|¹ ÂÑɈÕä². ø»m­pȬÀ”² 11¬ ³Ä³ÜÂXÇ 1,315…ºXÇ \Õm­ü» QÇõ²�Ç|¹ ³ÁÀ<Ç\¸ ˆÕ<Çpº, 1996D± 2ÔÆÐÅÁ 4ÔÆL®ÀÉ ÄɉÕ´ÈÅä². ų½¹m­¬ðÅiÕÐÅÁ”² 1,302…ºDÇ ³ÁÀ<Ç\¸ tÎ�ÇPפÂÄÐ, °ÆˆÉ ¼¤Ð¤ÂÄÐ, ¨º¤Âlм, ÁÀ¸Ò˜ÓLÑt¹€½t¹lÐ, ¬À`Õ°¹ÐÅÁ 1997D± 7ÔÆ€½0Ñ 98D± 3ÔÆL®ÀÉ ÄɉÕ´ÈÅä². �Θ°ä²ðÅl­”² 2001D± 1ÔÆÐÅÁ 5ÔÆL®ÀÉ  Ñ`¸ ÑXÇ 333…ºDÇ ³ÁÀ<Ç\¸ pȬÀˆÕä². Ém­@Ç 2003D± 9ÔÆ pȬÀ|¹ ÄɉՈÕà¬, ι@Ç \Õm­tÇü»�Çä´tÇ \ÕxÇ õ¬Ù³´Ì|¹ tÇè¸à¬ ¬À”² mÎÀÐ$ÆÐÅÁ ðÅl­ˆÕä². mÎÀÐ$ÆXÇ 800…ºÐÅŒ¬ $Á8»pȬÀ|¹ äÂ܈Õà¬, 530¬XÇ ¬À@¸¬ \Í…È „½ÁÐÅ ¬À©Æ´ÈÅä². Although I have not relied on strictly probability sampling methods for data collection, I tried to obtain as much representative samples of respondents as possible in terms of sex, age, generation, social class, and region. Because the four surveys contain the same questions, they provide useful information on demographic, socio-economic, and attitudinal characteristics of overseas Koreans. However, I do not have primary-level data for Koreans in Japan. Thus, I rely on the existing literature and secondary data including censuses to obtain comparable information on these two groups. �Ç̸ ÂÑÉXÇ \Ôø¼pȬÀ )¼ÝÂDÇ ÄÅ©¬XÕŒ¬ ‰ÕXÕÀÉ”² JÅXÅÀÉ̹, QÇõ²�ÇXÇ 1Á, ˜°tÇ, 8Á³, ¬ÀŒÖĬ5Î, ÀÉíÅ ñ´XÇ ³\ÔÈxÇ \Ôø¼DÇ �ÖÝ´XÕ0® ÇtÕ x±%¸ˆÕä². ¬@Ç ÈÉ8»<Ç\¸ 4¬ÀÉ pȬÀ|¹ ‰ՈÕ0® Lµ8»ÐÅ, ¬ÇxÆ\Õm­xÇXÇ xÇl­l­pÈ, ¬ÀŒÖ½¬È, 1Á¥ÕÈxÇ ¹Ò1ÁÐÅ ­\Õ Ç©Æ\Õ Èô¼|¹ Èõ¬\Õä². XÕÀÉ̹ |Çø¼ ¬ÇxÆÙ³ìÓÐÅ ­\Õ 1(ÌÈ p³tÇ0Ѭ ÆÅ0® Lµ8»ÐÅ, P´ ÑÉè²ÐÅ ­\Õ ÁÀ³ÈxÇ Èô¼”² 0®tÈ 8»YÕ, xÇl­pȬÀ|¹ ìÓhÕ\Õ 2(ÌÈ p³tÇ0ÑÐÅ XÇtȈÕä². Migration, Ethnicity and Citizenship: Ethnic-Korean Returnees in the Russian Far East tÇü», ü»qÈ1Á, m­ü»1Á: ù­Ù³ì·ÜÂDÅXÇ À­XÖpÈ ÁqÈ Jeanyoung Lee / Inha University tÇÄÉÆ/xÇXÕ³YÕP­ Introduction ij…Ç The rise of Chinese migrants in the Russian Far East has come parallel to an influx of Korean-Chinese people (Chaoxianzu in Chinese, Chosonjok in Korean). The Korean-Chinese ethnic group, who is classified as one of “55 minority nationalities” by the Chinese government, has almost two million people in China. Ninety-five percent of the Korean-Chinese have their registration of residence in the three provinces of Northeast China, formerly called Manchuria, which shares a long border with the Russian Far East. ù­Ù³ì·ÜÂDÅXÇ Ém­tÇü»�Ç �ɬ”² pÈ ÁqÈXÇ Ç…Çü¬ ǬÀXÕä². Ém­È€½ÐÅ XÇtÕ 55ˆ¼øÉ ŒÁ ü»qÈ É XÕ˜°\¸ „½X¹´ Ém­XÇ pÈ ÁqÈ@Ç p¬XÇ 2í ̹ÆÐÅ ì²\Õä². 95%XÇ pÈ ÁqÈtÇ ÆÈ ̹”ͬ¹DÅ(Manchuria)\¸ ˆ½°¹, ù­Ù³ì·ÜÂDÅ@Æ m­½¬@Ç ÈXÕଠˆÇ”² Ém­ �½Ù³ÀÉíÅXÇ 8Á ÀÉíÅÐÅÁ ñ´]¸´´Å p¬üÈ\Õä². The Korean-Chinese people have never been a main topic of research concerning human security and migration in the Russian Far East. There are several reasons for this. First, the number of Korean-Chinese people is relatively small compared to the much larger number of Han Chinese among foreign migrants in the Russian Far East. Second, it is difficult to do research on the Korean-Chinese in the Far East. Some Korean-Chinese people are living with other ethnic Korean residents including Korean-Russians, South Koreans and North Koreans. But it is widely believed that they are living with other ethnic groups such as the Han Chinese; therefore, their ethnic identity cannot be easily revealed. Third, the problems of cross-border migration are deemed important enough to be highlighted in the bilateral politics between Russia and China. A joint declaration signed by Vladimir Putin and his Chinese counterpart, Hu Jintao, on May 27, 2003 shows deep concern towards the uncontrolled movement of Chinese people into Russia. However, Korean-Chinese people are ethnically Korean, yet Chinese by nationality at the same time. So, the Korean-Chinese people are ethnic minorities even among the Chinese migrant communities in the Russian Far East. pÈ ÁqÈ@Ç ù­Ù³ì·ÜÂDÅXÇ tÇü»ü¬ àÂÀ¼ HÅÈ 8»È@Æ ­(¸\Õ ðÅl­XÇ üÈȬ ´ ÈtÇ ÆÅä². ìÅ0®ÐÅ”² ‡º ¬ÀÉ tÇ Ç¬ ˆÇä². «ÌøÉ, ù­Ù³ì·ÜÂDÅXÇ tÇü»�Ç É pÈ ÁqÈ@Ç \ÕqÈü¬ D¾P­tÕ ü¼ Lµ ÁÀ³È<Ç\¸ Èä². X´øÉ, ù­Ù³XÇ pÈ ÁqÈÐÅ ­tÕ ðÅl­XÕ”² ƒ¬@Ç ´Å5¸ä². |Ç€½ pÈ ÁqÈ@Ç ì·ÜÂDÅP­ìÓ, \Õm­xÇ, �½\ÕxÇ ñ´ ä²x¹ \ÕxÇP­ìÓä´ü¬ hÕØ® ´ÀଠˆÇä². XÕÀÉ̹ \ÕqÈü¬ ¬@Ç ä²x¹ ü»qÈä´ü¬ hÕØ® ´ÀଠˆÇä²à¬ ±¬¹ xÇÝ´´Å ü»qÈ È´Ì1ÁtÇ }ÂŒ¬ Ü´ì·˜°ÀÉ JÅ”²ä². KÁøÉ, tÇü» 8»È”² ì·ÜÂDÅ@Æ Ém­ ‘Åm­XÇ ÈXÎ �ÁÐÅÁ ¬pÈ´´Å|Å XÕ”² É”Æ\Õ 8»ÈtÇä². ¾|·Ü´ø»t¹ xÔôÒ ü¬ ÄÖÄÉÀÐ$Ƭ 2003D± 5ÔÆ 27|Ç ´Ì°¬\Õ õ¬Ù³ Á¸Å8»ÐÅÁ, Ém­xÇtÇ ì·ÜÂDÅ\¸ È}Å ÆÅtÇ tÇÙ³XÕ”² ÖÁÀÐÅ ³tÕ J®@Ç °Æ$¸|¹ \Ô…ºˆÕä². XÕÀÉ̹ pÈ ÁqÈ@Ç ü»qÈÈ<Ç\¸ \Õm­xÇtÇÀÉ̹ m­È<Ç\¸”² Ém­xÇtÇ0®Ä³ XÕä². 0µ|·Á pÈ ÁqÈ@Ç ù­Ù³ ì·ÜÂDÅXÇ Ém­tÇü»õ¬Ù³´Ì´°ÐÅÁij ìÅÈˆ× ŒÁÂü»qÈtÇä². However, the issue of the Korean-Chinese migrants in the Russian Far East can be one of the most important features of the Chinese migration. Also, the Korean-Chinese presence in the Russian Far East is a unique feature in the ethnic mosaic of the region and it needs to be scrutinized. First, they are ethnically Korean but Chinese citizens and can be potentially integrated into ethnic Korean communities in the Russian Far East. Historical memory is vivid among the ethnic Korean settlers in the Russian Far East. They recall that Korean-Russians were scapegoats in the international politics between Japan and the Soviet Union during the 1930s, the Stalin era. Although most of the Korean-Russians in the Soviet Far East were Russian citizens, they were deported to Central Asia under the accusation that they were alleged spies for Japan. Korea was colonized by Japan in 1910, but most Korean-Russians became naturalized in the Soviet Union well before the 1930s. At present, some Korean-Chinese people worry about their human security caused by their unique identity in the Russian Far East. They fear that they would be an easy scapegoat in plausible ethnic feuds between migrated Chinese people and local Russians, triggered by the burgeoning Chinese migration, concerning territorial and economic security of the Russian Far East and the manipulation of the local fear by the regional politicians. XÕÀÉ̹ ù­Ù³ì·ÜÂDÅXÇ pÈ ÁqÈtÇüÈ 8»È”² Ém­tÇü»m­XÇ É”Æ\Õ ü¬È É XÕ˜°ä². ¶\Õ ù­Ù³ì·ÜÂDÅ ´° pÈ ÁqÈtÇ ¬À”² ƒ¬@Ç tÇ ÀÉíÅXÇ ü»qÈÈ ä²‘Å1ÁXÇ Å³¹Ò\Õ ¹ÒÕÉtÇà¬, tº¼ˆ× pȬÀ`Õ DՔƬ ˆÇä². «ÌøÉ, ü»qÈÈ<Ç\¸”² \Õm­xÇtÇÀÉ̹ Ém­m­ü»xÇ pÈ ÁqÈä´@Ç  Ç¬ÇÈ<Ç\¸”² ù­Ù³ ì·ÜÂDÅ ´° \ÕxÇ õ¬µÑ´ÌÐÅ µÑiÕ´´Å|Å \Õä². tÇó¬XÇ \ÕxÇ È)Ìü»ä´@Ç íŬÀ|¹ ÝÀÝÀXÕŒ¬ 0®µÅ\Õä². ì·ÜÂDÅP­ìÓä´@Ç 1930D± ³ ¤ÂÈа¹ ÜÂÈ |Çø¼ü¬ ŒÁ(¸XÇ m­ÈÈXÎXÇ l×ÝÀ‘ÅtÇ|·à¬ ÝÀ¬\Õä². ³€½„½XÇ ù­Ù³ ì·ÜÂDÅ \ÕxÇä´@Ç ì·ÜÂDÅm­ü»tÇÀÉ̹, \Õm­tÇ |Çø¼XÇ ÝÂü»ÀÉÆX³ 1910D± |Çø¼ ¤Â ÓtÇ|·”² D¾œ°DŘ· ÉYÅDÅÜÂDÅ\¸ ¡ÁXÖ´ÈÅä². ø­ì·˜° ³€½„½XÇ \ÕxÇä´@Ç 1930D±³ È l­ ŒÁ(¸ðÅiÕÐÅ À­TÖˆÕä². Ö¬Ç |Ç€½ pÈ ÁqÈä´@Ç ø­ä´XÇ Å³¹Ò\Õ È´Ì1Á<Ç\¸ àÂÀ¼ HÅÈDÇ °Æ$¸XÕଠˆÇä². tÇä´@Ç Ém­tÇü»�Ç@Æ ø¼ Ñ ì·ÜÂDÅxÇ ¬ÀtÇXÇ ü»qÈÈxÇ ˆ½TÖXÇ l×ÝÀ‘ÅtÇ ´0® lÂ¸Æ ƒ¬tÇ|·à¬ °Æ$¸XÕଠˆÇä². ¶\Õ Ém­tÇü»�ÇXÇ �ɬ, ù­Ù³ì·ÜÂDÅXÇ Æ Ñ, ½¬ÈÈ HÅÈ ø­¬¹à¬ p¬üÈü» xÇl­ À¼TÖ\¸ xÇ\Õ ÀÉ)¼ÈXÎxÇä´XÇ °Æ$¸ ñ´ ˆ½TÖXÇ ”ÆxÇä´tÇ tȬÇ\Õä². Second, on the contrary, the Korean-Chinese people are intermediaries between the Han Chinese and the Koreans, including Korean-Russians, South and North Koreans, in the Russian Far East. Also, many of them are local representatives of Han Chinese wholesalers in China. This “middleman” role of the Korean-Chinese people in multi-ethnic Russian Far East may be a good indicator of the real ethnic fabrics and foreign direct investment (FDI) patterns associated with the influx of Chinese into the Far East. Although the role of the Korean-Chinese people may not be influential enough to be considered by Russia and China, shared characteristics, such as cohabitation with Russians, the ethnic identity of Koreans, and the national identity of Chinese citizens could prove to be useful for maintaining a peaceful multi-ethnic coexistence in the future Russian Far East. P´ ˆ¼øÉ, pÈ ÁqÈ@Ç \ÕqÈü¬ ì·ÜÂDÅ P­ìÓ, ³\Õü»m­xÇ, �½\ÕxÇ ñ´ \Õm­xÇä´ ¬ÀtÇXÇ ä¹¬�ÇtÇä². ¶\Õ Î¹@Ç tÇä´tÇ Ém­ÐÅÁ \ÕxÇ Ä³ä¹ÁÀxÇä´DÇ ³\ÔXÕ”² ¬ÀŒ·ä´tÇä². 䲑Å\Õ xÇ…ÈtÇ ˆÇ”² ù­Ù³ì·ÜÂDÅÐÅÁ  乬�Ç \¸ÁXÇ pÈ ÁqÈXÇ íÅ`Õ@Ç äÂÈ ü»qÈ l­1Áü¬ Ém­xÇ Ç…Çü¬ ­(¸\Õ xÆm­xÇ ÁÉÈ,Ò�Ç|¹ ˜°Àд°”² ‹È@Ç ÀÉ\Ô¬ ´ä². ì·ÜÂDÅ@Æ Ém­tÇ pÈ ÁqÈXÇ íÅ`ÕDÇ ¬ü¬`ÕÀÉ ¨ºt¹ÀÉ̹, ì·ÜÂDÅxÇü¬ hÕØ® p¬üÈ, \Õm­xÇXÇ ü»qÈ È´Ì1Á, Ém­m­ü»XÇ m­¬È´Ì1Áü¬ ¬@Ç õ¬µÑÈ@Ç ù­Ù³ì·ÜÂDÅÐÅÁ 䲑Å\Õ ü»qÈtÇ ÉÓTÖm¸Œ¬ õ¬tÈXÕ”²p³ Ç©Æ`Õ ƒ¬tÇä². There are virtually no previous works on the Korean-Chinese presence in the Russian Far East. Moreover, the question of North Korean refugees became internationalized after the massively publicized events of May 2002 in Shenyang, Northeast China. Mainly, questions concerning North Korean refugees have focused on those in China. Recently however, at the time of writing this paper, a North Korean construction worker entered the Consulate Office of the United State of America located in Vladivostok. This may explain how the issues of ethnic Korean migration and ethnicity in the Russian Far East are intermingled. Therefore, the study of the Korean-Chinese presence in the Russian Far East is related, not only to the issues of Chinese migration, but also to the issues of ethnic Korean migration as a whole, including North Korean refugees, Korean-Russian returnees and South Korean activities in the region. Yet, the study of Korean-Chinese migration is still in its very early stages. ¬ÀäÂÁÀ tÇ ÀÉíÅXÇ pÈ ÁqÈXÇ tȬÇÐÅ ­\Õ ðÅl­”² p¬XÇ ÆÅÈÅä². ¶\Õ 2002D± 5ÔÆ Ém­ Ù³�½€½XÇ Á‘ÅÐÅÁ ³Ü­¨ºXÇ ÈÐ�½�Çä´tÇ LÅ$¸ÀÉtºÁ ÈÐ�½�Ç 8»È”² m­ÈÈxÇ tLj¬ ´ÈÅä². ÈÐ�½�Ç 8»È@Æ ­(¸tÕÁ”² üÈ\¸ Ém­ÐÅ ˆÇ”² ÈÐ�½�Çä´tÇ ÍÈtÇ ´à¬ ˆÇä². XÕÀÉ̹ ø¼ |±8»XÇ ‘Ç1ÁÜÂ0®ÐÅ \Õ �½\Õ t¬$Áx±Ù³�Ǭ ¾|·µô¼¤Â ÑlÐÐÅ ˆÇ”² ø»m­ ƬÀ­ÐŠ䴴Ŭä². tÇ”² pÈ ÁqÈ tÇüÈ@Æ ù­Ù³DÅÜÂDÅXÇ ü»qÈ1Á 8»Ȭ Á\¸ ðÅĬ´´Å ˆÇLÇDÇ ô¼ìÅÉä². 0µ|·Á tÇ ÀÉíÅXÇ pÈ ÁqÈÐÅ ³\Õ ðÅl­”² Ém­xÇ tÇüÈ@Æ ­(¸ ˆÇDÇ Ð¿ DÅȲ|· ÈÐ�½�Ç, ì·ÜÂDÅP­ìÓ À­XÖ�Ç, \Õm­xÇ \ÖÙ³ ñ´ pÈ ÁqÈ tÇüÈ 8»È È´Ì@Æ ­(¸tÇ ˆÇä². ø­ì·˜° Ém­P­ìÓXÇ tÇüÈÐÅ ­\Õ ðÅl­”² ìÅÈˆ× Í0®è²Ä¬tÇä². In this brief analysis, I will examine the nature of Korean-Chinese migration into the Russian Far East and discuss its implications for the development of ethnic Korean identity and peaceful regional cooperation in the region. The empirical material for this analysis mainly comes from two short field trips conducted in 2004 in the Russian Far East. Also, my visit to Yanbian Korean autonomous prefecture of Jilin Province in 2002, as well as a survey conducted in 2003, proved helpful to analyze the issue more profoundly. ø¼ |±8»XÇ ¬µ·\Õ „½ÁDÇ µÑtÕÁ pÈ ÁqÈXÇ ù­Ù³ì·ÜÂDÅ tÇüÈXÇ ø¼ÈÉÐÅ ³tÕÁ à¬0ÌXÕà¬, \ÕxÇ È´Ì1Áü¬ ÉÓTÖ\¸´Æ Ö%¸XÇ ¼ÈDÇ Ç\Õ Ü¬ÀÈDÇ LÅDÅô¼ ¬ä². 2004D± ù­Ù³ì·ÜÂDÅÀÉíÅDÇ 2ˆ¼XÇ ¬¬YÕhÕ<Ç\¸hà tÇ „½ÁXÇ ½¬ØÕÈxÇ �Ç̸|¹ ȹ(¸ˆÕä². ¶\Õ 2002D± \Õm­ �ÇXÎ Ö Àɰ¹ ÀÉíÅ )¼8»ü¬ 2003D± pȬÀ”² tÇ 8»ÈÐÅ ­tÕ ü­ø¼ÈxÇ „½ÁЊijÀÆtÇ ´ÈÅä². Ethnic Koreans from China: Korean Dream, Adaptation, and New Identity Ém­XÇ pÈ ÁqÈ: TϬ¹HÅ Ü´¼¹, ÈQÇü¬ ÈÀ È´Ì1Á Woo-Gil Choi / Sunmoon Universit \ͰÆ8®/ Á8»³YÕP­ Introduction ij…Ç The relationship between South Korea and Chosunjok began in the late 1980s. The diplomatic normalization between the People s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of Korea (ROK) in 1992 made it official and stimulated. They came to Korea to visit relatives, or through work permit, international marriage, repatriation, studying abroad, and so on. The excitement of two parties’ meeting soon cooled down. The lack of mutual understanding and mistrust started to weaken through a kind of learning process. After almost two decades of meeting of the two parties, the presence of Chosunjok people in South Korea has become an everyday affair. \Õm­ü¬ pÈ ÁqÈXÇ ­Ä¬”² 1980D±³ йЊܑǴÈÅä². ÉTÖxÇü»õ¬TÖm­ü¬ ³\Õü»m­XÇ xÆP­ÈÁÀTÖ¬ 1992D± õ¬ÝÂÈ<Ç\¸ tÇ踴ÅÀÉpº …ºÜ´ÈÅä². pÈ ÁqÈ@Ç \Î™Ì )¼8», ü­\¸ÈÕ¬È, m­Ȱ¬<Ö, ¡ÁXÖ, ÇYÕ ñ´XÇ tÇ Ç\¸ \Õm­ÐÅ TÆä². ÁÀ ½XÇ $Á¸@Ç ç¬ É´Åä´ÈÅä². ÁÀ8ÖtÇtÕXÇ €½qÈü¬ ˆ½àÂtÇ Á\¸|¹ LÅDŬ”² ü¬ÈÐÅÁ ܑǴÈÅä². }Å 20D± Ù³HÅXÇ ÁÀ ½ ÄÖ \Õm­ÐÅ pÈ ÁqÈtÇ ˆÇ”² ƒ¬@Ç |ÇÁÀtÇ ´ÈÅä². Koreans in China have the 'Korean dream' and try to fulfill it. As workers, they have contributed to the economic development of South Korea by working in the 3D (difficult, dangerous and dirty) industry since the early 1990s. Many of them have stayed in South Korea illegally without any work permit. They have formed Chosonjok towns in several outskirts of Seoul and live in their own communities. The population of Chosonjok in South Korea has reached about 219,000 in 2006, among whom about 35,000 are unregistered workers. Their lives in South Korea made them identify their differences from their South Korean 'compatriots'. They realized their identity as 'Chinese Chosonjok'. Their Chineseness progressed from a negative and passive way of self-identity to a positive characteristic. A new generation of Chosonjok youth studying in South Korea has realized their precious identity as South Korean brethren as well as Chinese citizens. pÈ ÁqÈä´@Ç  TϬ¹HÅ Ü´¼¹ DÇ tÇè¸à¬�Ç x±%¸\Õä². x±Ù³�Çä´@Ç 1990D±³ Í0®€½0Ñ 3D ÅÅ…È(˜×ä´à¬, ÇØÕXÕpº, T³ì·´Æ |Ç) ÐÅ …ȬÀhÕ<Ç\¸hà \Õm­XÇ ½¬È¼ÈÐÅ 0®ìÅtÕTÆä². x±Ù³ÈÕ¬ ÆÅtÇ ˆ½•¼<Ç\¸ \Õm­ÐÅÁ 8º4»”² ½¬°Æ¬ ιä². Á¸Æ À¼P´¬¹ÐÅÁ pÈ ÁqÈ ÀдÆDÇ Ö1ÁˆÕଠø­ä´Ì¹XÇ õ¬Ù³´ÌÐÅÁ ÝÀ\Ö\Õä². \Õm­ ´° pÈ ÁqÈXÇ +Â�Ç”² 2006D± 21̹9,000…ºÐŠ첈Õ<Çpº ø­ É 3̹5œÌ…º@Ç ˆ½•¼x±Ù³�Çä². pÈ ÁqÈ@Ç \Õm­ tÕxÆ Ù³ìÓä´ü¬”² È´Ì1ÁtÇ ä²t¹ä². tÇä´@Ç Ém­xÇ pÈ ÁqÈtÇ|·”² È´Ì1ÁDÇ ¬ÄÉä². Ém­È ¹ÒÕÉ@Ç �ÇDÅ È´Ì1ÁXÇ €½ÈÈ, ŒÁù­È ÜÐijÐÅÁ€½0Ñ ®ÈÈxÇ ¹Ò1Á<Ç\¸ ¼ȈÕä². \Õm­ÐÅÁ ÇYÕXÕ”² pÈ ÁqÈ 28Áä´@Ç Ém­xÇ Ð¿ DÅȲ|· \Õm­xÇ<Ç\¸ÁXÇ À­É\Õ È´Ì1ÁDÇ ¼ÖtÕTÆä². This article is designed to explain the appearance of Chosunjok community and their own identification in South Korea. It observes the process of Chosunjok’s obtaining their own identity or ‘ethnicity’ through experiences in South Korea. It is based quantitatively on materials such as the 2002 data, the 2004 data, and the 2005 interview. The 2002 data is the ‘voluntary reporting materials of foreign illegal workers’ collected by the South Korean Ministry of Justice in March to May 2002. The 2004 data consists of surveys and interviews collected by Zheng Xinzhe in 2004. I myself have done some interviews with many Chosunjoks in Korea, which is shown as the 2005 interview in this article. ø¼ |±8»@Ç \Õm­XÇ pÈ ÁqÈ õ¬Ù³´Ì ¨ºµÂü¬ ଠÇXÇ È´Ì1ÁDÇ $Á…ºXÕ0® ÇtÕ à¬HÅ´ÈÅä². pÈ ÁqÈtÇ \Õm­ ½¬ØÕDÇ µÑtÕÁ È´Ì1Á ¶”² ü»qÈ1ÁDÇ �ÖÝ´XÕ”² ü¬ÈDÇ ­0Ì\Õä². ÁÀù² €½„½DÇ 2002~ 2004D± p³tÇ0Ñ@Æ 2005D± xÇ0Ñð½ �Ç̸|¹ 0®¼<Ç\¸ \Õä². 2002 p³tÇ0Ñ”² 3ÔÆü¬ 5ÔÆ ¬ÀtÇ \Õm­ •¼4»€½¬ ÂÑÉ\Õ  xÆm­xÇ ˆ½•¼ x±Ù³�ÇXÇ �ÇÄÉàÂଠ�Ç̸ tÇä². 2004 p³tÇ0Ñ”² �ÉàÂÈ(Zheng Xinzhe) ¬ ÂÑÉ\Õ $Á8»pȬÀ@Æ xÇ0Ñð½|¹ ô²à¬ ˆÇä². ÁÉÈ ‰Õ\Õ \Õm­XÇ pÈ ÁqÈ xÇ0Ñð½Ä³ |Ç€½ ô²à¬ ˆÇ<Çpº,tÇ |±8»XÇ 2005 xÇ0Ñð½ ÖÜÐ\¸ ñ´¥Ç\Õä². The Koreanization of Baguio : Issue of Acculturation ¼0®$Æ(Baguio)XÇ \Õm­TÖ : 8»TÖÈÀ¼ Maria Eufrecina Mae P. Barros/ University of the Philippines Baguio ȹ¬¹DÅ ¼\¸¤Â(Maria Eufrecina Mae P. Barros)/DÕ¬¹@Õ ¼0®$Æ ³YÕ Abstract Í]¸ Acculturation, according to Douglas Brown, has four stages: excitement, culture shock, recovery and adaptation to a new culture. Furthermore, the Acculturation Theory identifies four modes of acculturation, namely: integration, assimilation, separation, and marginalization. T³®|·¤Â ¾|·´Æ(Douglas Brown)ÐÅ 0µt¹tº 8»TÖÈÀ¼ÐÅ”² 4¬ÀÉ è²Ä¬¬ ˆÇä². $Á¸, 8»TÖÈ ©Í©¬, ŒÖõ¼ ø­¬¹à¬ ÈÀ 8»TÖÐÅXÇ ÈQÇtÇä². ¶\Õ 8»TÖÈÀ¼ tÇ`¸@Ç 4¬ÀÉ ÖÜÐ µÑiÕ, Ù³TÖ, „½¬¹, ŒÁxÆXÇ ÈQÇDÇ ˜°Àи°ä². 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Æxa$gd-àDñLñXñZñ^ñbñfñrñtñüñþñòHòJò`òbòdò|ò€ò¤ô¶ô¸ôÒôÔôjõñáñпñЮž®ñáñЮ�Ð|n^QCQ^h"h"CJPJ\�aJh"CJPJ\�aJo(h"h:Y$CJPJ\�aJo(h"h:Y$CJPJ\�aJ!h"h|TN5�CJPJ\�aJo(!h"hx “5�CJPJ\�aJo(h"hæqæ5�CJPJ\�aJ!h"hæqæ5�CJPJ\�aJo(!h"h±5�CJPJ\�aJo(!h"h:Y$5�CJPJ\�aJo(h"h:Y$5�CJPJ\�aJh"5�CJPJ\�aJo(jõˆõŠõžõ õ¢õöP&SžS¢SÀSÆSàSêSþSTDTLTNTVT€T‚TŠTŽT�TœXžXÜZ&\*\|\~\†\Œ\¤\¸\Â\Ü\à\æ\]]R]T]ðãÓÆð¸¶¸ÓãÓãÓãÓãÓ¦˜ðÓ¦ã¦Ó¸Ó¸¦ã¦ˆ¦ˆ¦ˆãˆãðˆ¦ˆ|hL@Vht!RCJaJo(h"ht!RCJPJ\�aJo(h"h"CJPJ\�aJh"hr CJPJ\�aJo(Uh"h:Y$CJPJ\�aJh:Y$CJPJ\�aJo(h"h:Y$CJPJ\�aJo(h"CJPJ\�aJo(h"h"CJPJ\�aJo(,rmine the cultural factors used as contexts in which Koreans in Baguio City integrate in their host culture. Korean pastors, missionaries and students were randomly sampled for this paper. The in-depth interview technique generated results that point to current issues, concerns and trends in acculturation, leading to the formation and development of multiethnic, multiracial and multicultural society. ø¼ |±8»@Ç 8»TÖÈÀ¼tÇ`¸@Ç ¬À©ÆtÕÁ ¼0®$Æ ´° \Õm­xÇä´tÇ DÕ¬¹@Õ 8»TÖÐÅ µÑiÕ´”² ÁÀiÖÐÅÁXÇ 8»TÖÈ ”ÆxÇä´DÇ ¼¬¬\Õä². \Õm­ �±ü», ÁP­¬À, YÕÝÀtÇ ø¼ |±8»XÇ \Ôø¼<Ç\¸ „ÇXÇÈ<Ç\¸ ÁÈ´ÈÅä². ìÂij ˆÇ”² xÇ0Ñð½ )¼ÝÂ<Ç\¸ 8»TÖ Ȭ¬XÇ ÖHÅ, ­ì¬À, ”Í8Á ñ´DÇ Ä³œÍˆÕà¬, ä²ü»qÈ, ä²xÇ…È, ä²8»TÖ¬ÀŒÖXÇ ¼Èü¬ Ö1ÁDÇ LÅDÅô¼XÅä². The study points to minimal changes in the cultural patterns, perceptions and communication styles of the Koreans. They maintain the  integration mode of acculturation as they opt to retain their origital or heritage culture while still actively participating in the host culture. Slight alterations in their cultural patterns are seen in terms of language, value for education, hobbies and food preferences. The Korean impact on the cultural diversity of Baguio is reflected through the increase of Korean churches, schools and restaurants as well as the local community s adaptation of Korean fashion, interest in Korean soap dramas on TV, and slight acculturation of Filipino classmates and tutors teaching them English as a second language. Notably, language is still a major factor of acculturation. tLj¼ pȬÀ”² \Õm­xÇXÇ 8»TÖÈ (Ó4Ñü¬ xÇÀÉ, XǬÀŒÁµÑ )¼ÝÂXÇ À¼TÖ|¹ \ÍŒÁ\Õ<Ç\¸ \Õä². \Õm­xÇä´@Ç Èù­È<Ç\¸ tÇü»m­ 8»TÖÐÅ ­ìÅXÕtºÁ à¬ Ç Ç°ÀDÇ ÇÀÉhÕÐÅ 0µ|· 8»TÖȬ¬XÇ µÑiÕ ÖÜÐ|¹ d·ä². 8»TÖÈ (Ó4ÑXÇ ‘Ç@Ç À¼TÖ”² ¸Å´Å, P­!ÇXÇ ¬XÎ, èÍø», LÇÝÂèÍ¥Õ ñ´<Ç\¸ ˜°ÀМ°ä². ¼0®$ÆXÇ 8»TÖÈ ä²‘Å1ÁÐÅ ø»XΔ² \Õm­XÇ Æ¥Õ%¸@Ç \Õm­ P­ŒÖ, YÕP­, ÝÂù²XÇ �ɬ\¸ ¼Æ´à¬ ˆÇä². ¶\Õ \Õm­(ÓXÁ a×Â, Ü´|·È¹ÐÅ ³\Õ ­ìÂ, DÕ¬¹@Õ YÕÝÀü¬ ¬ÈP­¬À¬ \Õm­xÇÐÅŒ¬ È2xÆm­´Å\¸hà Æ´Å|¹ ¬t¹XΔ² ø»8Á\Õ 8»TÖÈÀ¼ ñ´tÇ ˆÇä². ¸Å´Å”² ìÅÈˆ× üÈ”Æ\Õ 8»TÖÈÀ¼ ”ÆŒÁ|·”² ƒ¬tÇ üÈ©º`Õ Ì¹XÕä². Living in a Yellow Submarine: Third Culture Experience of Korean Missionary Kids at Faith Academy  x±€·  ÇÂhÕ �ÁXÇ ¶À: ˜ÓtǤ DÅtÎp³ø»(Faith Academy) XÇ \Õm­ ÁP­´Å°¹tÇä´XÇ 8Á ˆ¼øÉ 8»TÖ½¬ØÕ Dong-Hwan Kwon / Asia-Pacific Nazarene Theological Seminary, Philippines Œ­Ù³XÖ / DÅÜÂDÅÜÐÉÓ‘Å ˜°¬À¸ àÂYÕ³YÕP­, DÕ¬¹@Õ Although the ministries of their parents are local-church related, Korean adolescent Missionary Kids (MKs) at Faith Academy are hardly involved with the local culture. Instead, strong western cultural influences are indicated in church attendance, nationality of friends, and media consumption. This acculturation of western elements appears to be a deliberate, if not anxious, experience regulated, on the one hand, by the need to learn western skills and concepts to enable them to succeed in school and eventually compete on the global stage, and, on the other, by the impending possibility of going back to a highly monolingual and mono-cultural Korean society. ˜ÓtǤ DÅtÎp³ø»XÇ \Õm­ ÁP­´Å°¹tÇä´ €½¨ºØ²XÇ ©º¬À”² ÀÉíÅ P­ŒÖ@Æ ­(¸tÇ ˆÇÀÉ̹, tÇä´@Ç ÀÉíÅ P­ŒÖ@Æ p¬XÇ ÁÀ­tÇ ÆÅä². $ƈ×$¸ P­ŒÖ 8ÌÁ, \Îl­XÇ m­È ø­¬¹à¬ ¸Å`¸ŒÁD¾ ñ´ÐÅ Á‘Å8»TÖXÇ Æ¥Õ%¸tÇ ˜°ÀМ°ä². Á‘ÅÝ ”ÆxÇXÇ 8»TÖÀ¼©Æ@Ç YÕP­ÐÅÁ 1Áõ¬XÕଠ8ÁĬÈxÇ ½¬ÁÇÐÅÁ ´ÀDŨ°Ä³]¸ XÕ”² Á‘Å 0® Âü¬ ¬P±XÇ µÂÝ´ DÕ”Æ1ÁÐÅÁ pÈì¤Âý·Œ¬ ½¬ØÕ<Ç\¸ ˜°ÀМ°ä². ¶ ä²x¹ \Õ¸Ó<Ç\¸”² è²|Ç ¸Å´ÅtÇଠè²|Ç8»TÖ|¹ ¬ÄÉ \Õm­¬ÀŒÖ\¸ ̳DŬ ¬¥²1ÁÐÅÁ tÇì·\Õ 8»TÖÀ¼©ÆtÇ Ü‘Ç´ä². Abstract Í]¸ Living in a foreign land but destined to go back to their home country, third culture kids (TCKs), more narrowly the culture of Korean Missionary Kids (MKs) in the Philippines, are examined to seek to understand the differences and similarities of the personal, social, and religious life of Korean MKs both in international and Korean based school. Qualitative methods, supported by quantitative survey were used such as diary writing, personal and group interviews for this research. Agreeing to the previous research (Deza & Kwon, 2005) the MK schools, both international and Korean based school in the Philippines, were the most important element in the formation of identity of Korean MKs by which the extremely low local cultural influence was resulted. By some degree, Korean MKs at both FA and FA have swum in the strong stream of Korean, Christian and global competence, representing western and Korean education. xÆm­ÐÅ ´ÀÀÉ̹ à¬m­<Ç\¸ ̳DŬŒ¬ ´”²  3ˆ¼øÉ 8»TÖDÅtÇä´ - ÖXÇ\¸”² DÕ¬¹@Õ ´° \Õm­ ÁP­´Å°¹tÇ- @Ç m­ÈYÕP­ ø­¬¹à¬ \ÕxÇYÕP­ ¨ºP´ÐÅÁ ¬xÇÈ, ¬ÀŒÖÈ, …ÈP­È \Õm­ ÁP­´Å°¹tÇ ÝÀ\ÖXÇ õ¬µÑÈü¬ (ÌtÇÈDÇ tÇtÕXÕ$¸ \Õä². ‘ÅÈxÇ pȬÀ¬ ·´¼hÎ ´ ÈÉ·ÈxÇ )¼ÝÂtÇ |Ç0®ðÄ0®, ¬xÇ, ÑÉè² xÇ0Ñð½ ñ´ÐÅ ¬À©Æ´ÈÅä². tÇÈ ðÅl­(Deza & Kwon, 2005)ÐÅ Ù³XÇ\Õ ÁP­YÕP­  DÕ¬¹@Õ ´° m­ÈYÕP­, \ÕxÇYÕP­- ”² ÀÉíÅ8»TÖXÇ Æ¥ÕDÇ 8Á8Áˆ× ¼ÆhÕ<Ç\¸hÃ, \Õm­xÇ ÁP­´Å°¹tÇXÇ È´Ì1Á Ö1ÁÐÅ ¬¥Ç üÈ”Æ\Õ ”ÆŒÁÆä². ÁP­´Å°¹tÇä´@Ç \Õm­ü¬ Á‘ÅXÇ P­!ÇDÇ ³\ÔXÕpº ´Å�² Èij”² ¬\Õ \Õm­È ¹Ò1Á, lЬ¹¤ÂœÌÈ, ø­¬¹à¬ 8ÁĬÈxÇ íÅÉ·DÇ ô¼Æä². Korea's Multicultural Dilemma : A Reflection from the HIstorical Experience of Koreans in the U.S \Õm­XÇ ä²8»TÖÈ µ¸È¹: ¬Çø»Ù³ìÓXÇ íŬÀÈ ½¬ØÕÐÅ ­\Õ à¬0Ì Joon Kim / Colorado State University @®É/\Ï\¸|·Ä³ üȽ¹³YÕ Abstract Í]¸ This paper examines the Korean migration experience to the United States and reviews the key moments in American history where race and ethnicity served as a proxy for difference and justified differential treatments. In discussing the trajectory of the U.S. immigration policies and debates, I hope to bring to light how and why the reasons for these changes may provide insight as to how Korea s dilemma of resolving issues around multiculturalism can be addressed. Currently, the topic of immigration in the U.S. is the most important issue, next to the ongoing news about the wars, and ideologically the debate is cast in a false dichotomy between assimilation and multiculturalism. I argue that it is important to strike a balance between the ideological extremes. This paper concludes with an observation about how the issues of assimilation and multiculturalism need not be necessarily paired as opposing ideas. tÇ |±8»@Ç ¬Çø»Ù³ìÓXÇ ½¬ØÕDÇ pȬÀXÕà¬, xÇ…Èü¬ ü»qÈtÇ (Ìļü¬ (Ìñ´ ³°Æ|¹ Èù²TÖXÕ”² ø»m­ íŬÀXÇ üÈ”ÆÜÂ0®ä´@Ç à¬0Ì\Õä². ø»m­ tÇü»ÈEÌXÇ À¼œÌ¬À|¹ |±XÇXÕpº, tÇì·\Õ ÈEÌ À¼TÖXÇ ´°©Æü¬ ÐÆxÇtÇ ä²8»TÖüÈXÇÐÅ ­\Õ 8»È|¹ tÕ°¬XÕ”²p³ ˆÇ´Å \Õm­tÇ ˜Ì\Õ µ¸È¹|¹ tÕŒÁXÕ”² p³ ijÀÆtÇ ´8® ¼€·ä². Ö¬Ç ø»m­ÐÅÁ tÇü»@Ç tÇ|·lÐ ÈÁÇ ä²LÇ<Ç\¸ ¬¥Ç É”Æ\Õ ÖHÅtÇä². ¬P±È<Ç\¸ Ù³TÖ@Æ ä²8»TÖüÈXÇ|·”² ˜Ç»º´ tÇ„½•¼ÐÅ ³tÕÁ |±XÇXÕଠˆÇä². ¬P±ÈxÇ ù­è² ¬ÀtÇÐÅ à­ÖDÇ Þ¹”Í”² ƒ¬tÇ É”ÆXÕä². ø¼ |±8»@Ç Ù³TÖ@Æ ä²8»TÖüÈXǬ mÕÁÀ ÁÀ©ÍXÕÀÉ”² JÅ”² ¬P±<Ç\¸ ðÅĬ´”² )¼•¼<Ç\¸ °¬`¸ ú¹”²ä². Mutual Perscriptions of Managers in East Asian Multinational Corporations --Focusing on Korean, Japanese, and Taiwanese in Suzhou and Shanghai-- Ù³DÅÜÂDÅ ä²m­È ŒÖ¬À ­¬¹�ÇXÇ ÁÀ8ÖxÇÝ - ˆÂüÈ@Æ ÁÀXÕtÇXÇ \Õm­, |Çø¼, ³Ì¹xÇ ÉìÂ<Ç\¸ Joon-Shik Park / Hallym University ¼ÉÝÂ/\Õ¼¹³YÕP­ Abstract Í]¸ Today's East Asian region is under the process of rapid globalization, which reflects the growing tendency of interdependence among the region's economies. Especially, the last decade characterized by China's economic reform and opening has witnessed unprecedented deepening in regional interdependence. Increasing economic interdependence facilitates mobility of people as well as of commodities, money and information. As interaction intensifies among people formerly living separately, East Asian people meet, mingle and collide each other more and more accumulating stocks of shared experiences. The forementioned process can be understood as concurrently happening among people with different sets of  softwares of minds. $Ƙ² °XÇ Ù³DÅÜÂDÅ ÀÉíÅ@Ç ½¬È¬XÇ ÁÀ8ÖXÇtÈ1Á �ɬ|¹ ¼ÆXÕ”² ®�Á\Õ 8ÁĬTÖ|¹ ½¬ØÕXÕଠˆÇä². ¹Òˆ× ÀÉœ° 10D±¬@Ç Ém­XÇ ½¬È¬Ö, ¬)¼<Ç\¸ tÇ ÀÉíÅXÇ ÁÀ8ÖXÇtÈ1ÁtÇ Ç@¸ ÆÅtÇ �ɬˆÕä². ½¬ÈÈ ÁÀ8Ö XÇtÈ1ÁtÇ �ɬhÕ<Ç\¸hÃ, xÇÈ P­X¹Ð¿ DÅȲ|· ÁÀˆÔ, �Çø¼, Èô¼XÇ P­X¹Ä³ \Ö¼tÕLÈä². ÆÈÐÅ”² 0µ\¸ ´ÀXÅX³ ¬ÀŒ·ä´ ¬ÐÅ µÑiÕtÇ tÇ踴ÅÀÉpº, Ù³DÅÜÂDÅXÇ m­ü»ä´@Ç Á\¸ ̹˜°à¬ P­X¹XÕpº ©Í̳XÕ”² 0®ŒÖ¬ ιDÅLÈଠõ¬µÑXÇ ½¬ØÕij �ɬXÕଠˆÇä². tÇì·\Õ ü¬È@Ç Á\¸ ä²x¹ ÖÜÐXÇ  쬹 ŒÁÕ¸ÒèÆ´Å |¹ ¬ÄÉ ¬ÀŒ·ä´ ¬ÐÅ |Ǵذ”² ÖÁÀ<Ç\¸ tÇtÕ`Õ  ˆÇä². And as a consequence people previously bounded by political territories are beginning to feel how much different or similar they are and to what degrees they can trust and cooperate each other. Globalization of East Asia provides a good opportunity for observing how distinct national and cultural groups in their region construct perceptions of each other. Multinational corporations operating in this region is an excellent setting to study the dynamics of such experience of cultural exchange. As China is actively pursuing economics opening and reform, numerous multinational corporations are building networks of cooperation and competition in the Chinese market. In this respect, it is timely and important to compare how managers of multinational corporations from Korea, Japan, and Taiwan working in mainland China are perceiving Chinese society and Chinese people as well as each other. ø­ °¬ü¬ ÆÈÐÅ”² ÈXÎÈ ÆíÅ<Ç\¸ „½¬¹´ ¬ÀŒ·ä´tÇ, Á\¸XÇ (ÌtÇÈü¬ õ¬µÑÈDÇ LÅ0® Ü‘LjÕà¬, Á\¸|¹ ¼Å̹|Ð à°¸XÕଠÖ%¸tÕ|Å XÕ”²ÀÉij LÅŒ¬ ´ä². Ù³DÅÜÂDÅXÇ 8ÁĬTÖ”² m­¬È, 8»TÖÈ ÑÉè²tÇ Á\¸ÐÅ ³\Õ xÇÝÂtÇ ´Å»µŒ¬ ä²x¹ÀÉ|¹ LÅDÅô¼”² 0®ŒÖ¬ ´ÈÅä². tÇ ÀÉíÅXÇ ä²m­Ȍ֬Àä´@Ç tÇì·\Õ 8»TÖP­X¹ ½¬ØÕXÇ íÅÙ³1ÁÐÅ ³\Õ ðÅl­ÐÅ ð¶´Åœ° XÖ½¬DÇ Èõ¬\Õä². Ém­tÇ ¬Öü¬ ¬)¼DÇ Èù­ ”ÍÄÉhÕÐÅ 0µ|· ι@Ç ä²m­È 0®ÅÅä´tÇ Ém­ ÜÂ¥ÇÐÅÁ Ö%¸ü¬ ½¬ÁÇDÇ Ç\Õ $±¸ÒÌÆlÐ|¹ l­•ÍXÕଠˆÇä². tÇì·\Õ ÈÐÅÁ Ém­ ø¼ Ñ ´° \Õm­, |Çø¼, ³Ì¹ 0®ÅÅä´@Ç Á\¸|¹ LÅDŬ п DÅȲ|· Ém­¬ÀŒÖ@Æ Ém­xÇä´DÇ LÅDŬଠˆÇä². Between August 5th and 20th of 2001, we have conducted a field of mutual perceptions of expatriate managers of multinational corporations from Korea, Japan, and China working in Suzhow and Shanghai, China. Generally expatriate managers of multinationals work in the hosting country with cultural background molded in their home country. They naturally expose this  embodied culture to cultural others in their daily interactions with local employees and expatriates from other countries. Such cultural traits are then interpreted and form concrete images of foreign expatriates, which is constantly reconstructed through complex social interactions. This study purports to compare the mutual perception of expatriated managers from Korea, Taiwan, and Japan, and examine the process of dynamic construction and reconstruction of foreign expatriates images of each other. 2001D± 8ÔÆ5|ÇÐÅÁ 20|Ç, °Æ¬¹”² ˆÂüÈ, ÁÀXÕtÇÐÅÁ ü­4»XÕ”² \Õm­, |Çø¼, ³Ì¹ ä²m­Ȍ֬ÀXÇ ­¬¹�Çä´DÇ ³ÁÀ<Ç\¸ Á\¸ÐÅ ³\Õ xÇÝÂÐÅ ³tÕ pȬÀˆÕä². |ǼÈ<Ç\¸ ä²m­Ȍ֬ÀXÇ ­¬¹�Çä´@Ç à¬m­XÇ 8»TÖÈ 0¼½¬DÇ ¬ÀÉଠtÇm­ÐÅÁ ÝÀ\ÖXÕଠˆÇä². ø­ä´@Ç �ÇðÅÈ<Ç\¸ tÇ  ´ÌTÖ ´ 8»TÖ|¹ |ÇÁÀÝÀ\Ö �ÁÐÅÁ 8»TÖÈ<Ç\¸ ä²x¹ ¬ÀŒ·ä´, ‰É ÖÀÉÁÉÐÆä´ü¬ ä²x¹ m­¬ œÍà ¬ÀŒ·ä´ÐÅŒ¬ Ü´ì·¸°ä². tÇì·\Õ 8»TÖÈ ¹Ò1Á@Ç xÆm­xÇ tÇø»ÀÉ\¸ tÕÁ´à¬, l­´ÌÈxÇ xÆm­xÇ tÇø»ÀÉ|¹ Ö1Á\Õä². tÇ”² ÀÉ�ÁÈ<Ç\¸ õ¼¡Ç\Õ ¬ÀŒÖŒÁµÑDÇ µÑtÕÁ ¬ÇÖ1Á´ä². tÇ pȬÀXÇ ©ºÈ@Ç \Õm­, ³Ì¹, |Çø¼XÇ ­¬¹�Çä´XÇ ÁÀ8Ö xÇÝÂDÇ D¾P­XÕଠÁ\¸XÇ xÆm­xÇ tÇø»ÀÉ Ö1Áü¬ ¬ÇÖ1Á ü¬ÈXÇ íÅÙ³1ÁDÇ pȬÀXÕ0® ÇhÕtÇä². Transmigratory Experiences of the Singaporean Transnational Capitalist Class ñ¬ìÓt¹XÇ Ím­¬È �Çø¼üÈXÇ Ä¬5ÎXÇ tÇü»½¬ØÕ Theodora Lam / National University of Singapore LÑ$ÆÄ³|· Œ·(Theodora Lam )/ñ¬ìÓt¹ m­½¹³YÕ Abstract Í]¸ In the past decade, processes of globalization have contributed to an increasing number of skilled migrants around the world. In the case of Singapore, these processes intertwined with the Singapore s government call to its citizens to spread the country s wing in the region have resulted in a growing number of Singaporeans living outside its limited geobody. This group of Singaporeans overseas purportedly belongs to an emerging breed of transmigrants otherwise known as the transnational capitalist class (TCC). As the title suggests, Singaporean TCCs are described as transmigrating elites who, in the course of their transnational mobilities, develop intricate social networks interweaving different countries together. ü¬p¬ 10D±¬ 8ÁĬTÖ ü¬È@Ç È8ÁĬXÇ Î¹@Ç Â(¸x±Ù³�ÇXÇ tÇüÈ|¹ |Å0®ˆÕä². ñ¬ìÓt¹XÇ ½¬°Æ, tÇì·\Õ ü¬È@Ç ñ¬ìÓt¹ È€½¬ DÅÜÂDÅ ÀÉíÅ ´° m­¬ íÅÉ· UÖ³|¹ Íl­\Õ ƒ¬ü¬ ­Ä¬¬ ˆÇ<Çpº, tÇ\¸ xÇtÕ Î¹@Ç ÂXÇ ñ¬ìÓt¹ m­ü»ä´tÇ tÕxÆÐÅ p¬üÈXÕŒ¬ ´ÈÅä². tÕxÆ ñ¬ìÓt¹ m­ü»ä´@Ç Ím­¬È �Çø¼üÈXÇĬ5Î(TCC)tÇ|·à¬Ä³ ˆ½¬¹”² Ím­¬È tÇü»�Çä´tÇä². tÇ„¹ÐÅÁ ô¼ìÅüÈï´, ñ¬ìÓt¹XÇ TCCä´@Ç Ím­¬ÈxÇ tÇÙ³1ÁDÇ ½¬ØÕXÕà¬, ä²x¹ m­¬ä´DÇ Á\¸ ð۬XÕ”² õ¼¡Ç\Õ ¬ÀŒÖÈ $±¸ÒÌÆlÐ|¹ ¼ÈÜ¤Д² Ím­¬È ØÅ¬¹¸Ò\¸ »¬À´ä². While TCCs are allegedly highly proficient and adroit at functioning in diverse environments, little is known about the family strategies they employ in the course of transmigrating. Also, Singaporean expatriates  especially those with children  are often reportedly confronted with various difficulties when they venture far from the comforts of a familiar home. Hence, this paper aims to provide a gendered perspective on the transmigratory behaviour and experiences of Singaporean TCCs, delving into the challenges and struggles they face. The paper focuses especially on the familial issues of Singaporeans TCCs with school-going children, and seeks to explore the family strategies they employ in the wake of the government s call to  go regional and/or  go global . The reservations that Singaporean parents have, especially those pertaining to their children s education, are also examined. TCC¬ ä¹°Æ Ç¥²XÕଠ䲑Å\Õ XÖ½¬ÐÅÁ \ÖÙ³XÕ”²p³ ð¶´Å˜°ä²à¬ ÈtÕÀÉ”² ¼tº, tÇü»XÇ ü¬ÈÐÅÁ ¬È ´° )¼hÎ@Ç p¬XÇ LÅ$¸ÀÉÀÉ JÅXÅä². ¶\Õ ñ¬ìÓt¹ tÇü»�Çä´@Ç ¹Òˆ× DÅtÇä´@Ç \ÎÂ\Õ ¬ÈXÇ ¸ÓHÅhÕü¬”² p¬¬¹¬ <º ¨ºØÕÐÅ ÁÉtºˆÕDÇ Lµ ι@Ç ´Å$¸ÀÆDÇ ª¬”²ä²à¬ \Õä². 0µ|·Á ø¼ |±8»@Ç ñ¬ìÓt¹ TCC¬ œ°È@Æ ´Å$¸ÀÆÐÅ ÁÉtºˆÕDÇ LµXÇ ½¬ØÕü¬ Ím­¬ÈxÇ ‰ÕÙ³ÐÅ ­\Õ |Ç¼È ­ÈDÇ ÈÜÂ\Õä². tÇ |±8»@Ç ¹Òˆ× YÕP­ÐÅ ä²È²”² �Ç@±|¹ T´ TCCXÇ ¬qȬXÇ 8»ÈÐÅ üÈ%¸XÕpº, È€½¬  DÅÜÂDÅ ÀÉíÅ<Ç\¸, 8ÁĬ\¸ |·à¬ Íl­\Õ tÇÄÖ ¬qÈ ´° )¼hÎÐÅ ³tÕÁ LÅDÅô¼$¸à¬ \Õä². ¹Òˆ× �Ç@± P­!Çü¬ ­(¸tÕÁ ñ¬ìÓt¹m­ü»ä´tÇ ¬ÄÉ °Æ$¸ÐÅ ³tÕÁij ðÅl­\Õä². Keywords: transnational capitalist class, Singaporean, family, education uÕì´Å: Ím­¬È �Çø¼üÈXÇĬ5Î, ñ¬ìÓt¹xÇ, ¬qÈ, P­!Ç International Marriage and the State m­Ȱ¬<Öü¬ \Õm­È€½ Hye Kyung Lee / Pai Chai University, Korea tǽ¬l×/0¼¬Ç³YÕP­, \Õm­ Abstract Í]¸ With globalization, the number of individuals traveling, working or studying abroad is rising globally, and so is the number of international marriages. However, there has been a dramatic rise in the number of  mail-order brides through matchmaking since the 1970s in the Western world and since the 1990s in several Asian countries. The so called  mail-order bride phenomenon has become an important route for international migration, especially for gendered migration. Since official relations with China began in August 1992, the number of Korean Chinese women who came into Korea for marriage with native Korean men, is about 100,000 between 1990 and 2005. 8ÁĬTÖÐÅ 0µ|·Á ¬xÇXÇ tÕxÆìʼnÕ, ü­\¸, ÇYÕtÇ 8ÁĬÈ<Ç\¸ �ɬXÕଠm­Ȱ¬<ÖXÇ Âij �ɬ\Õä². ø­ì·˜° 1970D±³ Á‘Å, 1990D±³ |Ç€½ DÅÜÂDÅ m­¬ä´ÐÅÁ ܑǴ  °Æ¸Ó üÈ8»Ö à€½ XÇ Âij ®©¬ˆ× �ɬtÕTÆä². ŒÁÇ  °Æ¸Ó üÈ8»Ö à€½ ÖÁÀ@Ç m­ÈtÇü»XÇ É”Æ \Ö\¸¬ ´ÈÅä². 1992D± 8ÔÆ Ém­ü¬XÇ õ¬Ý­Ĭ|¹ ´Ì°¬\Õ ÄÖ \Õm­ ¨°1Áü¬ °¬<ÖXÕ0® ÇtÕ \Õm­ÐÅ (Æ pÈ ÁqÈXÇ ”² 1990D±ü¬ 2005D± ¬ÀtÇ ³µ· íÂ̹ …ºÐŠ첈Õä². The number of Japanese women who married Korean men is approximately 17,000, while the numbers of Filipino women who married Korean men is about 6,000. Recently, the nationalities of these foreign wives of Korean men expand to include women from Vietnam, Russia, and Uzbekistan. In 2005, among a total of 250,000 foreign spouses in Korea, 160,000 of them were women. The Korean state had contributed to initiate these international marriages by importing Korean Chinese women for their unmarried rural citizens. As international marriages have become a social issue, the state tries to cope with these new issues through changing the laws and policies. \Õm­¨°1Áü¬ °¬<Ö\Õ |Çø¼ìÅ1ÁXÇ +Â�Ç”² }Å 17,000…ºxÇ ¼tº, \Õm­¨°1Áü¬ °¬<Ö\Õ DÕ¬¹@Õ ìÅ1ÁXÇ ”² }Å 6000…ºtÇä². \Íü­ \Õm­ ¨°1ÁXÇ xÆm­xÇ €½xÇ m­È@Ç  ¼¸Ò¨°, ì·ÜÂDÅ, °ÆˆÉ ¼¤Ð¤ÂÄÐ ñ´<Ç\¸ 䲑ÅXÕä². 2005D± \Õm­XÇ xÆm­xÇ 0¼°Æ�Ç Í 25̹ …º É 16̹ …ºtÇ ìÅ1ÁtÇÈÅä². ø»<Ö �± Íͬü¬ pÈ ÁqÈ ìÅ1ÁXÇ m­Ȱ¬<ÖtÇ Ü‘Ç´ÈÅä². m­Ȱ¬<ÖtÇ ¬ÀŒÖÈ tLj¬ ´ÈÅ0® Lµ8»ÐÅ \Õm­È€½”² •¼ü¬ ÈEÌDÇ À¼TÖÜ´Ð<Ç\¸hà tÇì·\Õ ÈÀ ¬ÀŒÖ8»È|¹ tÕ°¬XÕ$¸à¬ x±%¸\Õä² Utilizing several government statistics, a nationwide questionnaire survey of nearly 1,000 foreign brides with various nationalities, which was conducted in May and June 2005, and some interviewed data of foreign wives and government personnel, this paper analyses 1) patterns and trends of marriage migration to Korea; 2) the issues and problems of foreign brides, such as their status and citizenship, economic situation, access to social security and  fake-marriages issues; and 3) recent changes in governmental policies towards them. Special focus will be on what factors influenced the recent governmental action and how the ideology that  A married daughter is no longer a daughter (úQÁZYºN) is still reflected in recent policies even in today s more progressive society. |Ç€½ È€½ µÑĬ”², 䲑Å\Õ m­ÈXÇ 1,000…ºXÇ xÆm­xÇ €½xÇDÇ ³ÁÀ<Ç\¸ 2005D± 3ÔÆü¬ 6ÔÆ ¬ÀtÇ Èm­È<Ç\¸ $Á8»pȬÀ|¹ ܉ՈÕä². xÆm­xÇ €½xÇü¬ È€½­Ì¸ÐÅ ³\Õ xÇ0Ñð½|¹ ˆÕä². tÇ |±8»@Ç \Õm­XÇ °¬`¸DÇ µÑ\Õ tÇü»XÇ (Ó4Ñü¬ ”Í8Á, ÀÉÇ, m­È, ½¬ÈÁÀiÖ, ¬ÀŒÖô¼¥ÇÈijÐÅXÇ Èü­1Á, ¬ÜÉ °¬<Ö ñ´XÇ 8»È, xÆm­xÇ €½xÇÐÅ ³\Õ È€½ ÈEÌXÇ À¼TÖ ñ´DÇ pȬÀˆÕä². ¹Òˆ× ´Å µ\Õ ”ÆŒÁ¬ \Íü­ È€½XÇ \ÖٳЊƥÕDÇ ø»äÌ<Çpº  œÍ¬xÆxÇ tÇ|·”² xÇÝÂtÇ ´Å»µŒ¬ $Ƙ² °XÇ ÄÉô¼È ¬ÀŒÖÐÅÁij ìÅÈˆ× ¼Æ´à¬ ˆÇ”²ÀÉÐÅ ÉÈDÇ P´ÈÅä². International Matchmaking Agencies in Korea and Their Regulation Policies \Õm­XÇ m­Ȱ¬<ÖÈô¼ŒÖ¬À@Æ ­(¸Ü­ÈÈEÌ Dong Hoon Seol / Chonbuk National University, Korea $ÁÙ³ÈÖ/È�½³YÕP­,\Õm­ Abstract Í]¸ A steep increase of international marriages between immigrant women and Korean men is observed in today s Korean society. One of the main reasons is found on the activities of international matchmaking agencies. This paper tries to reveal their characteristics, and the policy making process to regulate their activities. First, I will find the  uniqueness of Korean agencies using the survey data, and in-depth interview records. Second, I will try to show the recent policies on the international matchmaking agencies in Korea. \Õm­ ¬ÀŒÖÐÅÁ \Íü­ xÆm­ìÅ1Áü¬ \Õm­¨°1ÁXÇ m­Ȱ¬<ÖtÇ ®©¬ˆ× �ɬXÕଠˆÇä². üÈ”Æ ÐÆxÇ É XÕ˜°”² m­Ȱ¬<Ö Èô¼ŒÖ¬À¬ \Ö¼XÕ0® Lµ8»tÇä². ø¼ |±8»ÐÅÁ”² °¬<ÖÈô¼ŒÖ¬ÀXÇ ¹Ò1ÁDÇ ÓEÅXÕଠtÇä´XÇ \ÖÙ³DÇ ­`ÕXÕ”² ÈEÌ °¬È ü¬ÈÐÅ ³tÕÁ ä²è¸à¬ ˆÇä². °Æ Á $Á8»pȬÀ p³tÇ0Ñ@Æ ìÂ5Î xÇ0Ñð½ 0®]¸DÇ ¬À©ÆtÕÁ Èô¼ŒÖ¬ÀXÇ Å³¹ÒhÕDÇ „½Á\Õä². ¶\Õ \Õm­XÇ m­Ȱ¬<ÖÈô¼ŒÖ¬ÀÐÅ ­\Õ \Íü­XÇ ÈEÌDÇ LÅDÅø¼ä².  See for example the yearly Gaiko seisho (Diplomatic Blue Book) published by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Boei hakusho (Defense White Book) published by the Defense Agency for the ranking of important bi-lateral relations and for threat perceptions. xÆP­€½ÐÅÁ ¼¬\Õ ðŬ Gaiko seisho(xÆP­­ÌÁ), É”Æ ‘Å�ǭĬ ñ´ ®ü¬ ÇØÕ”ÆŒÁ xÇÝÂDÇ ÇtÕ m­)¼€½ÐÅÁ ¼¬\Õ the Boei hakusho(m­)¼1¼Á) ÐÅÁ ÆÜÂ|¹ 8Ìà¬.  Shiba was quoted by the present PM Koizumi in his conclusion of General Policy Speech to the Diet (Asahi Shimbun 26.09.2003) and by the late former PM Obuchi in his Policy Speech. (Asahi Shimbun 28.01.2000) For citations of Shiba by Diet members see the Diet Library database of Diet extrapolations-my search have resulted in 145 hits between 1992 and 2004. The names included MPs and political commentators and scholars that have appeared in front of various committees. ܼ”² à¬tÇˆÉø» ͬ¹¬ XÇŒÖ ÈEÌ ðÅ$Á йø»ÐÅ xǩƴÈÅà¬(Asahi Shimbun 26.09.2003) , ଠ$Æ€½XÎ ͬ¹XÇ ÈEÌðÅ$ÁÐÅÁ xǩƴÈÅä². (Asahi Shimbun 28.01.2000) m­ŒÖXÇÐÆä´XÇ Ü¼ xÇ©Æ@Ç m­ŒÖ ijÁ­ p³tÇ0Ñ  ¼tǤÂ|¹ µÑtÕÁ ü¼  ˆÇä². €¬ÉÀÐÅ XÇXÕtº 1992D±ü¬ 2004D± ¬ÀtÇ 145ˆ¼XÇ xÇ©ÆtÇ ˆÇÈÅä². 䲑Å\Õ ÇÐÆŒÖÐÅÁ ͬ¹, ÈXÎ |±ÉÓ¬, YÕ�Çä´tÇ xǩƈÕä².  The novels mentioned are  Saka no ue no kumo (The Cloud on Top of the Hill) and  Ryoma ga yuku (The Path of Ryoma.) Information provided by the publishing house Bungei Shunshu to the author via e-mail on March 22nd, 2005. ¸Å ®´ ŒÁ$Áä´@Ç  Saka no ue no kumo (The Cloud on Top of the Hill) ü¬ Ryoma ga yuku (The Path of Ryoma.)tÇä². œÍÓ¬À Bungei Shunshu ¬ Èõ¬\Õ Èô¼”² 2005D± 3ÔÆ 22|Ç ‘ǬÐÅŒ¬ Èì²´ÈÅä². 1 For more information on the Korean-Chinese, see Jeanyoung Lee,  Korean Minority: CCP s Policy and Identity, The Review of Korean Studies, Vol. 4, No. 2, December 2001, and for their migration into South Korea, see Jeanyoung Lee,  Korea s Policy for Ethnic Koreans Overseas, Korea Focus, Vol. 11, No. 4, July-August 2003. pÈ ÁqÈÐÅ ­\Õ 8Ìà¬8»ÌÕ: tÇÄÉÆ  \Õm­ ŒÁÂü»qÈ: CCP XÇ ÈEÌü¬ È´Ì1Á ,\Õm­ðÅl­XÇ €¬ Ñ Vol.4, No.2 2001D± 12ÔÆ pÈ ÁqÈXÇ \Õm­tÇüÈÐÅ ­\Õ 8Ìà¬8»ÌÕ: tÇÄÉÆ  tÕxÆ pÈ ÁqÈÐÅ ³\Õ \Õm­ ÈEÌ Korea Focus, Vol. 11, No. 4, 2003D± 7~8ÔÆ 2 A construction company worker, one of an estimated 4,000 North Koreans working in the Russian Far East, entered the United States Consulate in Vladivostock on October 28. He will be a test case for Russia and the United States for the issue of freedom for North Koreans after the North Korean Human Rights Act signed by George W. Bush. ù­Ù³ì·ÜÂDÅÐÅÁ |ÇXÕଠˆÇ”² 4000…º ÈÐ�½�Ç ÉXÇ \Õ …ºxÇ tÇ t¬$Áx±Ù³�Ç”² 10ÔÆ 28|Ç ¾|·µô¼¤Â¡ÑXÇ ø»m­ ƬÀ­ÐÅ ä´´ÅTÆä². tÇ ¬Àt¬@Ç pÈÀÉw.€½Ü¬ �½\Õ xÇŒ­•¼ÐÅ Á…º\Õ ÄÖ �½\ÕxÇXÇ �Ç ÇÐÅ ­\Õ ì·ÜÂDÅ@Æ ø»m­XÇ ÈEÌXÇ ÜÂØÕ³¬ ´ÈÅä².  The term Chosunjok used in this article refers to Korean Chinese. Literally, it means the ethnic group of Korean. Chosunjok(Chaoxianzu in Chinese pronunciation) was officially recognized as a group of ethnic minority by the Chinese Authority since the PRC was founded in 1949. In Korea, they are called as  compatriots from China or in China . The term Chosunjok was made official by the Chinese Authorities in the 1950s and has been in use since then. Before the foundation of the PRC, they were called as Chosunin(the people of Chosun). In Korea, Chosunjok is now accepted as the meaning of  Korean Chinese . The main theme of this article is  Chosunjok in Korea . I use Chosunjok as Korean Chinese in Korea, and Chaoxianzu as the Korean minority in China. tÇ |±8»ÐÅÁ pÈ ÁqÈtÇ€· ©Æ´Å”² Ém­P­ìÓ|¹ йXÕ”² ƒ¬tÇä². й ø­³\¸ \Õm­Ù³ìÓ|¹ XÇø»\Õä². Ém­¼LÇ<Ç\¸ pÈ ÁqÈ (Chaoxianzu)@Ç ÉTÖxÇü»õ¬TÖm­tÇ $Á½¹´ 1949D± tÇÄÖ\¸ ŒÁÂü»qÈ<Ç\¸ õ¬Ý xÇȼXÅä². \Õm­ÐÅÁ”²  Ém­ÐÅ ˆÇ”² 9Ö@Ç Ém­ÐÅÁ (Æ Ù³ìÓ \¸ ˆ½°¹ä². pÈ ÁqÈtÇ€· ©Æ´Å”² 1950D±³ Ém­ù²m­tÇ õ¬Ý xÇȈÕ<Çpº ø­ ÄÖ\¸ Ĭ�Á ¬À©Æ´ÈÅä². ÉTÖxÇü»õ¬TÖm­ $Á½¹ È, tÇä´@Ç pÈ ÁxÇ (pÈ ÁXÇ m­ü»)<Ç\¸ ˆ½$¸LÈä². \Õm­ÐÅÁ pÈ ÁqÈ@Ç Ém­P­ìÓXÇ XÇø»\¸ µÑ©Æ´ä². tÇ |±8»XÇ üÈÈ”² \Õm­ÐÅ ˆÇ”² pÈ ÁqÈtÇä². tÇ |±8»ÐÅÁ”² \Õm­XÇ Ém­P­ìÓ|¹ pÈ ÁqÈ<Ç\¸ ÀÉmÎXÕଠÉm­XÇ \Õm­xÇä´@Ç Chaoxianzu|·à¬ ÀÉmÎ\Õä².  The South Korean Ministry of Justice received voluntary reporting from 256,000 illegally staying foreign workers in the country from March 25th to May 29th in 2002. The materials included information such as their sex, age, nationality, employment or profession, working place or company, and so on. They are one of the most extensive data on foreign illegal workers in South Korea. Liu Kilsang s study (2004) is based on this survey. \Õm­ •¼4»€½”² 2002 D± 3ÔÆ25|Ç€½0Ñ 5ÔÆ29|ÇL®ÀÉ ˆ½•¼ x±Ù³�Çä´XÇ �ǼÈxÇ àÂଠ25̹ 6œÌ t¬DÇ ÈˆÕä². tÇ �Ç̸”² ø­ä´XÇ 1Á, ˜°tÇ, m­È, ÁÉÅÅ, ŒÖ¬ÀÇXÎ ñ´XÇ Èô¼|¹ ìÓhÕ\Õä². \Õm­XÇ ˆ½•¼ x±Ù³�ÇÐÅ ­\Õ ¬¥Ç ­”¼Ç\Õ �Ç̸ É XÕ˜°ä². 2004D± X¹8®ÁÀ(Liu Kilsang)XÇ ðÅl­”² tÇ pȬÀ|¹ 0®¼<Ç\¸ \Õä².  Zheng Xinzhe, a professor in the Center for ethnology and anthropology, Chinese Academy of Social Science, while staying for one year in Korea, conducted a research with the topic  Chinese employment and adaptation in South Korea in 2004. He collected and analyzed a questionnaire of 223 Chinese in South Korea, including 160 Chosunjoks. 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